Beyond Time - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

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f. He fell (and got up again) g. It’s black 42 h. It’s expensive i. I’m buying honey j. I am suffering (-ite accepted) (404) Some speakers produced -ite forms: a. I see a small tree b. I hear a bird c. I understand d. I am walking e. I forget f. I remember g. It’s clean h. He fell (and is still on the ground) Consultants’ reactions to proposed -ite forms for the above examples in which they did not produce -ite varied much as they did in Totela varieties, but may all be seen as indicating some sort of relevant state. For example, a Fwe speaker said that the -ite form of -zhala ‘think’ would indicate “a continuous thing – I am busy thinking”, while using it with -wula buchi ‘buy honey’ would indicate a past action. A Subiya speaker said that the -ite form of -yanda ‘suffer’ would indicate that the person described “started suffering in the 1980s”. 43 The equation of -ite with an extreme state of affairs may be due to trying to find the relevance when uttered out of context. The consistency of speaker productions of verbs such as ‘be cheap’ (with -ite) and ‘be expensive’ (without -ite) indicate some level of conventionalization of -ite’s use; it is interesting, if speculative, to think about why certain verbs tend to pair with -ite while others do not. 6.8 Conclusion Synchronically, -ite functions as a stativizer in Totela. It attributes a state to the subject of the verb it attaches to. I have argued that the phase of a situations internal event structure within which it creates a state is based on relevance: use of -ite presupposes that the assertion of the subject’s state answers a question posed in discourse. This analysis of -ite raises questions about its historical development, and particularly about a proposed Proto-Bantu reconstruction as an anterior (perfect) marker, as in (e.g.) Nurse (2008). An origin as a resultative marker seems more likely. Uses of similar suffixes in closely related languages, as well as the complex semantics reported for -ite, -ile, and similar 42The verb for ‘black’ is the same as the verb for ‘dirty’, so use of -ite would indicate a temporary state. See also example (391) for Tonga. 43-ite occurs quite frequently in Totela with the verb ‘to suffer’. 301
suffixes across Bantu, suggest that a strong pragmatic component is at play with the suffix in those languages, as well. In narratives, -ite appears most often in the orientation and in common collocations with motion verbs marking character transitions from one location to another. The relevance presupposition is evident in narratives, as well: -ite paints a picture of the current subject of narration that is relevant to understanding the story as a whole, setting the stage for the actions that follow. 302
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Beyond Time: Temporal and Extra-tem
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Abstract Beyond Time: Temporal and
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To Kelvin and Mboshela i
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and have continued in their support
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from Veritas Graduate Student Fello
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2.2.3 Comparison with Proto-BB . .
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6.5 Summary of analysis of -ite as
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Glosses Used Gloss Meaning 1 First
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1.2 Theoretical background and moti
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Following this general direction, I
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The first major twentieth-century a
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To make the fuzzy theories more pre
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Multiple degrees of past/future ref
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1.2.3 Approaches to extra-temporal
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1.2.3.3 Primary temporal meaning fo
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In their framework, time-based tens
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. fortalééza y-a-cek-íw-a n’aa
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an in-depth diachronic study of Tot
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1.2.3) may develop at any stage. Th
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within the narrative, “set apart
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without affecting its temporal stru
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Fleisch (2000), and Seidel (2008) d
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. “Indicate episode ends” (Seid
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imperfective, progressive, habitual
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cluding activities, accomplishments
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Some examples of the major categori
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y the speaker’s perception of whe
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P-Domain: D-Domain: Association Dis
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Figure 1.15: Representation without
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1.3.8 Other conventions Following C
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Translations into Lozi were also pr
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1.4.3 Limitations Although I carrie
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Chapter 5 describes two major marke
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(17) Innovations common to Bantu Bo
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Totela data in de Luna (2008, 2010)
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For more on the historical movement
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may be an overrepresentation, since
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2. “Endangered languages”: a.
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officially recognized on a national
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(19) Observed NT dialect continuum:
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ilabial labio- dent. alveolar post-
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Ã Only occurs in NC sequences (see
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ilabial labio- dent. alveolar post-
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2.2.4.1 Vowel length As noted above
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2.2.6 Proto-Bantu Correspondences T
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c. *t > s (before *u) *-túmÙ > ò
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(32) *j a. *j > ∅ *-jìtìd > òk
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Although data are not available for
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morphemes typically grammaticalize
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tive. Because the distal can co-occ
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Noun Subject Class Marker 1(a) -mu-
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c. Following u òkùwùlìlà òkù
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òkù-yèndà ‘to walk’ → òk
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(62) a. òkùsàmbìlìlà òkù-s
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(66) Iterative extensions òkùtyò
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(72) Tentive extension òkúkwààt
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c. Negatives with -saka ‘want, li
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c. As source Nòkùlòngàwô kús
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Although all non-verb-final orderin
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(89) abanakazi (aba) bena nabachech
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Sounds Examples PB ZT NT PB ZT NT G
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disappearance. In most cases, vowel
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2.4.2 NT and ZT: differences in TAM
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2.4.2.4 Negation FV NT ZT -a indica
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e studied to evaluate claims about
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in the prehodiernal past. Similarly
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maintains the current discourse dom
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NC Bare Cmpl 1/1a a- a- 2/2a ba- a-
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(109) a. Atelic durative: ndanenga
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. Past reading: ndákòmòkwà nda-
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perception stative -suwa behaves li
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With activity verbs such as -yenda
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Totela data than other proposed sol
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Botne’s description of -ire, in i
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is formal. As Dahl (1985:129) notes
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P-Domain: D-Domain: Association Dis
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(137) a. [Context: the person descr
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a “path of least effort” in whi
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ecause the consequences of the past
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(145) Sunu, twabuuka! Twabuuka ndet
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3.3.2 -a- with motion verbs in narr
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(152) Âwò, kàlì mùntù. Ii! N
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3.3.5 -a- in narrative: summary The
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verbs, the pathways of development
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4. With a slight change in accent,
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Chapter 4 Semantics and Pragmatics
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These are discussed in section 4.4,
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. Non-stative predicate: Was macht
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all require a virtual, fictive read
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Others (e.g Bybee et al. 1994), in
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two-state situations, which are mad
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The choice of modal base and orderi
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adjacent syllable (to the right) is
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(189) ìjìlò ndìyá kùmpìlì i
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(199) chìyùnì (ndìsákà) chiyu
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Because this chapter deals with the
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In summary, analysis of the “pres
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(212) a. ndilabon-a ≈ ndilibwene
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The -la- marker is also compatible
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4.3.6 Interactions with situation t
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4.3.6.3 Duratives With durative (no
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(232) a. àbá bàyîmbà bàtàbà
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equirement, situations can either o
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the [present] is used not so much b
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In many languages, including Totela
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otherwise reveal. Non-completive fo
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are unmarked, as well as presents w
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the head of his murdered child, fra
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D.60 (e.g. Ha), and in some M langu
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-la- lost its disjunctive flavor an
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(251) tu-la-cita 1pl-pres-do ‘we
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(253) a. Durative verbs: a-Ø-fik-i
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Chapter 5 Past and Future: Dissocia
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groups. While no languages had zero
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. chìlìmò chàmánà chilimo cha
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English, for example, future tense
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differences - both concrete and sub
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(270) Prehodiernal -ka-: ndàkàsà
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c. ìjìlò chì-nzí ! ná-mù-li-
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. ìjìlò nándìlà yá kùmpìl
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not on the day of perspective time.
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With both na- and -ka-, the time sp
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with negation. The lack of -a- mark
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. ísè19 nándìsíkè nándìlè
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(303) Iñolo lyenu twakalibona ijil
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would be similar, but the dissociat
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5.4 Dissociativity in narrative Bot
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(310) âwo kàlì mú ! kwáámè n
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1. In narrator “commentary” abo
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[In the Guaymí case] the immediate
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proclitic is still extremely produc
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(319) hasina bawane amali. . . hasi
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Page 271 and 272: will be seen below, comparing the u
Page 273 and 274: Kratzer (2000) for German stativize
Page 275 and 276: . balinunite ba-li-nun-ite 1sg-pres
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Page 289 and 290: Another example is given in (364).
Page 291 and 292: (368) handilahupwile bamayo hanu ma
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Page 305 and 306: (389) a. mbá-a-c-éte ‘they came
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Page 311 and 312: 6.7.3.1 Tonga Tonga (M64) has an -i
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Page 315: Describes Describes past situation
Page 319 and 320: 7.2 Completion, Tense, and Tenor To
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Page 325 and 326: Figure 7.2: Contentful phase of -sa
Page 327 and 328: In short, according to Botne & Kers
Page 329 and 330: (426) àwà kándìlàwúkà ndàk
Page 331 and 332: . tàkándìtwâ ta-ka-ndi-tu-a neg
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Page 335 and 336: 7.3.4 “Perfect” meanings Totela
Page 337 and 338: . ndìlìnèngètè ndi-li-neng-ete
Page 339 and 340: (459) ijilo liizite nandilayenda na
Page 341 and 342: Rather than presupposing that a sit
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Page 345 and 346: (483) tàlí mwàyá kwàKàìwàl
Page 347 and 348: 7.4.3 Hortatives and subjunctives H
Page 349 and 350: In general, counterfactual completi
Page 351 and 352: (504) buti muponena twali kumisiya
Page 353 and 354: (512) Kùyá bùmínà àbántù. K
Page 355 and 356: Sometimes, when distal -ka- occurs
Page 357 and 358: More likely Less likely to be infle
Page 359 and 360: Chapter 8 Conclusion and future res
Page 361 and 362: 8.2 Directions for future research
Page 363 and 364: ——. 2007. Stem tone melodies in
Page 365 and 366: ——, 2010. High-tone anticipatio
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Glasbey, Sheila. 1998. Progressives
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Jacottet, Émile. 1896-1901. Étude
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Morris, Charles W. 1938. Foundation
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Shirai, Yasuhiro. 1998. Where the p
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Appendix A Definitions This appendi
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Information Structure (IS) (followi
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Time of Situation (TSit) the time f
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B.2 Consonant mutation: t ¿ s Alth
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B.5 -ile forms In Totela, only a fe
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Figure C.1: Downdrift in máyìwíy
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C.2.1 HTA within words HTA may be s
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o ku ba hu pu la H H H MR o ku ba h
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nánkala ‘crab’ echí-fuwa ‘b
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Syll Ø Root Pattern H Root Pattern
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Syll Ø Root Pattern H Root Pattern
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C.33 Persistive -chi- ‘still’ +
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384 Syll Ø Root Ø Root H Root H R
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C.7.2 Posited input H on second roo
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Syll Ø Root H Root 1 ta-ndi-nâ-lw
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C.7.3 Posited input H on final vowe
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Syll Ø Root H Root 1 ndi-chi-lwâ
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C.7.4 Other patterns Other patterns
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Appendix D Agreement forms Bantu la
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Figure D.1 indicates attested singu
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. bàchìkwàngálà bàlàùlùkà
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406 NC Prefix SM OM Poss Poss Num A
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Clement Tubusenge, Tiyebulyo Jenika
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