Beyond Time - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

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(451) Perfect of recent past: ndendizwa okulya ano nde-ndi-zu-a oku-li-a ano dm-1sg-come.out-fv inf-eat-fv cl16(loc).dem ‘I’ve just eaten’ (ZT2006Elic22) 7.3.5 Other markers with aspectual functions 7.3.5.1 Stativizing -ite A very common and important suffix in Totela is -ite, discussed in detail in chapter 6, which argues that -ite is a stativizer with a relevance presupposition. With some predicates, -ite typically gives a stative or resultative reading, as in (452). In the resultative cases, the situation described in the predicate took place in the past with respect to perspective time, but its results continue. With other predicates, such as those in (453), the reading is more progressive-like, with the situation described still underway at perspective time. (452) Stative and resultative uses a. Stative: ndìlíbwènè ndi-li-bwene 1sg-pres.stat-see.stat ‘I see’ b. Resultative: ndìlízìmènè ndi-li-zim-ene 1sg-pres.stat-stand.up-stat ‘I am standing’ c. Resultative: ndìlílìbììkìtè ndi-li-li-biik-ite 1sg-pres.stat-refl-hide-stat ‘I am hiding’ (453) Progressive uses a. ndìlìyèndètè ndi-li-yend-ete 1sg-pres.stat-walk-stat ‘I am walking’ 321
. ndìlìnèngètè ndi-li-neng-ete 1sg-pres.stat-dance-stat ‘I am dancing’ For at least some -ite constructions with duratives, speakers vary in their judgments of temporal interpretation when context is not provided. For example, both a resultative and a progressive reading were offered for the verb -nenga ‘to dance’: (454) a. ndìlìnèngètè ndi-li-neng-ete 1sg-pres.stat-dance-stat ‘I am dancing’ (ZT2007Elic113, among others) b. ndìlìnèngètè ndi-li-neng-ete 1sg-pres.stat-dance-stat ‘I have danced’ (ZT2007Elic101) Table 7.3 summarizes -ite’s temporal interpretive possibilities according to situation type. Not all readings are equally common, but all are attested. Chapter 6 proposes that these readings can be explained under a unified analysis of -ite as a stativizer with a presupposition of relevance. 7.3.5.2 Situative na- The situative, or participial, prefix na- (differentiated from posthodiernal na- in its tone pattern) may be used in subordinate clauses in any temporal domain to refer to a situation simultaneous with other situations, i.e. situations whose temporal instantiation includes or is coextensive with the topic time of another situation. Nurse describes the situative as occurring “in dependent clauses, representing a concomitant situation and/or a backgrounded situation” (Nurse 2008:123). Across Bantu, this marker is frequently related to persistive -kÍ- (Nurse 2008:247). In Totela, however, this marker seems to be transparently related to comitative proclitic na= ‘with, and’. Situative na- occurs, as do other relative clauses, with a penultimate H tone pattern, with frequent H-tone plateauing on the macrostem. In the past, situative na- typically appears with completive forms, both prehodiernal (455) and hodiernal (456). (455) bàkàndìwàànà nàndìlyâ ba-ka-ndi-waan-a na-ndi-li-a 3pl-prehod-1sg-find-fv sit-1sg-eat-fv ‘they found me eating’ (ZT2009Elic35) 322
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Beyond Time: Temporal and Extra-tem
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Abstract Beyond Time: Temporal and
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To Kelvin and Mboshela i
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and have continued in their support
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from Veritas Graduate Student Fello
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2.2.3 Comparison with Proto-BB . .
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6.5 Summary of analysis of -ite as
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Glosses Used Gloss Meaning 1 First
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1.2 Theoretical background and moti
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Following this general direction, I
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The first major twentieth-century a
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To make the fuzzy theories more pre
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Multiple degrees of past/future ref
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1.2.3 Approaches to extra-temporal
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1.2.3.3 Primary temporal meaning fo
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In their framework, time-based tens
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. fortalééza y-a-cek-íw-a n’aa
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an in-depth diachronic study of Tot
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1.2.3) may develop at any stage. Th
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within the narrative, “set apart
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without affecting its temporal stru
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Fleisch (2000), and Seidel (2008) d
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. “Indicate episode ends” (Seid
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imperfective, progressive, habitual
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cluding activities, accomplishments
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Some examples of the major categori
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y the speaker’s perception of whe
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P-Domain: D-Domain: Association Dis
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Figure 1.15: Representation without
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1.3.8 Other conventions Following C
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Translations into Lozi were also pr
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1.4.3 Limitations Although I carrie
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Chapter 5 describes two major marke
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(17) Innovations common to Bantu Bo
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Totela data in de Luna (2008, 2010)
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For more on the historical movement
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may be an overrepresentation, since
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2. “Endangered languages”: a.
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officially recognized on a national
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(19) Observed NT dialect continuum:
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ilabial labio- dent. alveolar post-
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Ã Only occurs in NC sequences (see
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ilabial labio- dent. alveolar post-
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2.2.4.1 Vowel length As noted above
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2.2.6 Proto-Bantu Correspondences T
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c. *t > s (before *u) *-túmÙ > ò
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(32) *j a. *j > ∅ *-jìtìd > òk
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Although data are not available for
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morphemes typically grammaticalize
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tive. Because the distal can co-occ
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Noun Subject Class Marker 1(a) -mu-
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c. Following u òkùwùlìlà òkù
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òkù-yèndà ‘to walk’ → òk
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(62) a. òkùsàmbìlìlà òkù-s
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(66) Iterative extensions òkùtyò
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(72) Tentive extension òkúkwààt
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c. Negatives with -saka ‘want, li
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c. As source Nòkùlòngàwô kús
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Although all non-verb-final orderin
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(89) abanakazi (aba) bena nabachech
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Sounds Examples PB ZT NT PB ZT NT G
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disappearance. In most cases, vowel
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2.4.2 NT and ZT: differences in TAM
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2.4.2.4 Negation FV NT ZT -a indica
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e studied to evaluate claims about
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in the prehodiernal past. Similarly
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maintains the current discourse dom
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NC Bare Cmpl 1/1a a- a- 2/2a ba- a-
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(109) a. Atelic durative: ndanenga
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. Past reading: ndákòmòkwà nda-
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perception stative -suwa behaves li
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With activity verbs such as -yenda
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Totela data than other proposed sol
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Botne’s description of -ire, in i
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is formal. As Dahl (1985:129) notes
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P-Domain: D-Domain: Association Dis
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(137) a. [Context: the person descr
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a “path of least effort” in whi
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ecause the consequences of the past
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(145) Sunu, twabuuka! Twabuuka ndet
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3.3.2 -a- with motion verbs in narr
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(152) Âwò, kàlì mùntù. Ii! N
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3.3.5 -a- in narrative: summary The
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verbs, the pathways of development
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4. With a slight change in accent,
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Chapter 4 Semantics and Pragmatics
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These are discussed in section 4.4,
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. Non-stative predicate: Was macht
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all require a virtual, fictive read
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Others (e.g Bybee et al. 1994), in
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two-state situations, which are mad
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The choice of modal base and orderi
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adjacent syllable (to the right) is
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(189) ìjìlò ndìyá kùmpìlì i
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(199) chìyùnì (ndìsákà) chiyu
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Because this chapter deals with the
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In summary, analysis of the “pres
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(212) a. ndilabon-a ≈ ndilibwene
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The -la- marker is also compatible
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4.3.6 Interactions with situation t
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4.3.6.3 Duratives With durative (no
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(232) a. àbá bàyîmbà bàtàbà
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equirement, situations can either o
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the [present] is used not so much b
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In many languages, including Totela
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otherwise reveal. Non-completive fo
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are unmarked, as well as presents w
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the head of his murdered child, fra
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D.60 (e.g. Ha), and in some M langu
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-la- lost its disjunctive flavor an
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(251) tu-la-cita 1pl-pres-do ‘we
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(253) a. Durative verbs: a-Ø-fik-i
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Chapter 5 Past and Future: Dissocia
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groups. While no languages had zero
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. chìlìmò chàmánà chilimo cha
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English, for example, future tense
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differences - both concrete and sub
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(270) Prehodiernal -ka-: ndàkàsà
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c. ìjìlò chì-nzí ! ná-mù-li-
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. ìjìlò nándìlà yá kùmpìl
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not on the day of perspective time.
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With both na- and -ka-, the time sp
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with negation. The lack of -a- mark
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. ísè19 nándìsíkè nándìlè
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(303) Iñolo lyenu twakalibona ijil
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would be similar, but the dissociat
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5.4 Dissociativity in narrative Bot
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(310) âwo kàlì mú ! kwáámè n
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1. In narrator “commentary” abo
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[In the Guaymí case] the immediate
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proclitic is still extremely produc
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(319) hasina bawane amali. . . hasi
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(321) Progressive uses a. ndìlìy
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-it-. . . -e. A handful of forms ar
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(331) chìnzí mwíndìtè? chinzi
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will be seen below, comparing the u
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Kratzer (2000) for German stativize
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. balinunite ba-li-nun-ite 1sg-pres
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Thus, the distribution of -ite sugg
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ka- as in (353a), but not with preh
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A question raised by the characteri
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Such clashing interpretations arose
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Page 305 and 306: (389) a. mbá-a-c-éte ‘they came
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Page 315 and 316: Describes Describes past situation
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Page 319 and 320: 7.2 Completion, Tense, and Tenor To
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Page 325 and 326: Figure 7.2: Contentful phase of -sa
Page 327 and 328: In short, according to Botne & Kers
Page 329 and 330: (426) àwà kándìlàwúkà ndàk
Page 331 and 332: . tàkándìtwâ ta-ka-ndi-tu-a neg
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Page 341 and 342: Rather than presupposing that a sit
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Page 347 and 348: 7.4.3 Hortatives and subjunctives H
Page 349 and 350: In general, counterfactual completi
Page 351 and 352: (504) buti muponena twali kumisiya
Page 353 and 354: (512) Kùyá bùmínà àbántù. K
Page 355 and 356: Sometimes, when distal -ka- occurs
Page 357 and 358: More likely Less likely to be infle
Page 359 and 360: Chapter 8 Conclusion and future res
Page 361 and 362: 8.2 Directions for future research
Page 363 and 364: ——. 2007. Stem tone melodies in
Page 365 and 366: ——, 2010. High-tone anticipatio
Page 367 and 368: Glasbey, Sheila. 1998. Progressives
Page 369 and 370: Jacottet, Émile. 1896-1901. Étude
Page 371 and 372: Morris, Charles W. 1938. Foundation
Page 373 and 374: Shirai, Yasuhiro. 1998. Where the p
Page 375 and 376: Appendix A Definitions This appendi
Page 377 and 378: Information Structure (IS) (followi
Page 379 and 380: Time of Situation (TSit) the time f
Page 381 and 382: B.2 Consonant mutation: t ¿ s Alth
Page 383 and 384: B.5 -ile forms In Totela, only a fe
Page 385 and 386: Figure C.1: Downdrift in máyìwíy
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C.2.1 HTA within words HTA may be s
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o ku ba hu pu la H H H MR o ku ba h
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nánkala ‘crab’ echí-fuwa ‘b
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Syll Ø Root Pattern H Root Pattern
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Syll Ø Root Pattern H Root Pattern
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C.33 Persistive -chi- ‘still’ +
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384 Syll Ø Root Ø Root H Root H R
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C.7.2 Posited input H on second roo
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Syll Ø Root H Root 1 ta-ndi-nâ-lw
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C.7.3 Posited input H on final vowe
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Syll Ø Root H Root 1 ndi-chi-lwâ
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C.7.4 Other patterns Other patterns
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Appendix D Agreement forms Bantu la
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Figure D.1 indicates attested singu
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. bàchìkwàngálà bàlàùlùkà
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406 NC Prefix SM OM Poss Poss Num A
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Clement Tubusenge, Tiyebulyo Jenika
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