Beyond Time - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

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List <strong>of</strong> Tables C.1 Non-completive with -la- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 383 C.2 Completive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 383 C.3 Dissociative (prehodiernal) past . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 383 C.4 Dissociative (posthodiernal) future indicative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 383 C.5 Non-completive with -la- + object marker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 384 C.6 Completive + object marker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 384 C.7 Dissociative (prehodiernal) past + object marker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 385 C.8 Dissociative (posthodiernal) future + object marker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 385 C.9 2sg imperative + object marker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 386 C.10 2pl imperative + object marker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 386 C.11 Hortative (given here as 2pl) + object marker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 387 C.12 Past -na- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 387 C.13 Non-completive negative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 387 C.14 Past/completive negative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 388 C.15 Dissociative (prehodiernal) past negative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 388 C.16 Persistive -chi- ‘still’ negative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 388 C.17 Dissociative (posthodiernal) future hortative + object marker . . . . . . . . 389 C.18 Persistive -chi- ‘still’ negative + object marker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 389 C.19 Non-completive negative + object marker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 390 C.20 Dissociative (prehodiernal) past negative + object marker . . . . . . . . . . 390 C.21 Dissociative (posthodiernal) future negative + object marker . . . . . . . . . 391 C.22 2sg imperative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 392 C.23 2pl imperative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 392 C.24 Dissociative (prehodiernal) imperfective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 392 C.25 Dissociative (prehodiernal) imperfective negative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 393 C.26 Situative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 393 C.27 Dissociative (posthodiernal) future hortative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 393 C.28 Persistive -chi- ‘still’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 394 C.29 Non-completive relative clause . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 394 C.30 Completive relative clause . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 394 C.31 Dissociative (prehodiernal) imperfective relative clause . . . . . . . . . . . . 395 C.32 Dissociative (prehodiernal) past relative clause . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 395 381
C.33 Persistive -chi- ‘still’ + object marker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 396 C.34 Situative + object marker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 396 C.35 Dissociative (prehodiernal) past relative clause + object marker . . . . . . . 397 C.36 Dissociative (posthodiernal) future negative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 397 C.37 Distal completive relative clause . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 398 C.38 Distal completive relative clause + object marker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 399 C.39 Distal dissociative (prehodiernal) past relative clause + object marker . . . . 399 382
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Beyond Time: Temporal and Extra-tem
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Abstract Beyond Time: Temporal and
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To Kelvin and Mboshela i
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and have continued in their support
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from Veritas Graduate Student Fello
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2.2.3 Comparison with Proto-BB . .
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6.5 Summary of analysis of -ite as
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Glosses Used Gloss Meaning 1 First
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1.2 Theoretical background and moti
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Following this general direction, I
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The first major twentieth-century a
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To make the fuzzy theories more pre
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Multiple degrees of past/future ref
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1.2.3 Approaches to extra-temporal
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1.2.3.3 Primary temporal meaning fo
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In their framework, time-based tens
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. fortalééza y-a-cek-íw-a n’aa
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an in-depth diachronic study of Tot
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1.2.3) may develop at any stage. Th
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within the narrative, “set apart
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without affecting its temporal stru
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Fleisch (2000), and Seidel (2008) d
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. “Indicate episode ends” (Seid
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imperfective, progressive, habitual
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cluding activities, accomplishments
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Some examples of the major categori
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y the speaker’s perception of whe
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P-Domain: D-Domain: Association Dis
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Figure 1.15: Representation without
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1.3.8 Other conventions Following C
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Translations into Lozi were also pr
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1.4.3 Limitations Although I carrie
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Chapter 5 describes two major marke
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(17) Innovations common to Bantu Bo
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Totela data in de Luna (2008, 2010)
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For more on the historical movement
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may be an overrepresentation, since
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2. “Endangered languages”: a.
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officially recognized on a national
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(19) Observed NT dialect continuum:
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ilabial labio- dent. alveolar post-
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Ã Only occurs in NC sequences (see
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ilabial labio- dent. alveolar post-
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2.2.4.1 Vowel length As noted above
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2.2.6 Proto-Bantu Correspondences T
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c. *t > s (before *u) *-túmÙ > ò
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(32) *j a. *j > ∅ *-jìtìd > òk
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Although data are not available for
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morphemes typically grammaticalize
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tive. Because the distal can co-occ
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Noun Subject Class Marker 1(a) -mu-
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c. Following u òkùwùlìlà òkù
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òkù-yèndà ‘to walk’ → òk
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(62) a. òkùsàmbìlìlà òkù-s
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(66) Iterative extensions òkùtyò
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(72) Tentive extension òkúkwààt
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c. Negatives with -saka ‘want, li
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c. As source Nòkùlòngàwô kús
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Although all non-verb-final orderin
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(89) abanakazi (aba) bena nabachech
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Sounds Examples PB ZT NT PB ZT NT G
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disappearance. In most cases, vowel
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2.4.2 NT and ZT: differences in TAM
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2.4.2.4 Negation FV NT ZT -a indica
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e studied to evaluate claims about
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in the prehodiernal past. Similarly
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maintains the current discourse dom
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NC Bare Cmpl 1/1a a- a- 2/2a ba- a-
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(109) a. Atelic durative: ndanenga
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. Past reading: ndákòmòkwà nda-
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perception stative -suwa behaves li
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With activity verbs such as -yenda
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Totela data than other proposed sol
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Botne’s description of -ire, in i
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is formal. As Dahl (1985:129) notes
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P-Domain: D-Domain: Association Dis
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(137) a. [Context: the person descr
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a “path of least effort” in whi
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ecause the consequences of the past
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(145) Sunu, twabuuka! Twabuuka ndet
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3.3.2 -a- with motion verbs in narr
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(152) Âwò, kàlì mùntù. Ii! N
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3.3.5 -a- in narrative: summary The
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verbs, the pathways of development
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4. With a slight change in accent,
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Chapter 4 Semantics and Pragmatics
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These are discussed in section 4.4,
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. Non-stative predicate: Was macht
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all require a virtual, fictive read
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Others (e.g Bybee et al. 1994), in
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two-state situations, which are mad
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The choice of modal base and orderi
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adjacent syllable (to the right) is
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(189) ìjìlò ndìyá kùmpìlì i
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(199) chìyùnì (ndìsákà) chiyu
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Because this chapter deals with the
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In summary, analysis of the “pres
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(212) a. ndilabon-a ≈ ndilibwene
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The -la- marker is also compatible
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4.3.6 Interactions with situation t
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4.3.6.3 Duratives With durative (no
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(232) a. àbá bàyîmbà bàtàbà
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equirement, situations can either o
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the [present] is used not so much b
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In many languages, including Totela
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otherwise reveal. Non-completive fo
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are unmarked, as well as presents w
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the head of his murdered child, fra
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D.60 (e.g. Ha), and in some M langu
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-la- lost its disjunctive flavor an
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(251) tu-la-cita 1pl-pres-do ‘we
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(253) a. Durative verbs: a-Ø-fik-i
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Chapter 5 Past and Future: Dissocia
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groups. While no languages had zero
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. chìlìmò chàmánà chilimo cha
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English, for example, future tense
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differences - both concrete and sub
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(270) Prehodiernal -ka-: ndàkàsà
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c. ìjìlò chì-nzí ! ná-mù-li-
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. ìjìlò nándìlà yá kùmpìl
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not on the day of perspective time.
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With both na- and -ka-, the time sp
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with negation. The lack of -a- mark
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. ísè19 nándìsíkè nándìlè
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(303) Iñolo lyenu twakalibona ijil
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would be similar, but the dissociat
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5.4 Dissociativity in narrative Bot
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(310) âwo kàlì mú ! kwáámè n
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1. In narrator “commentary” abo
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[In the Guaymí case] the immediate
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proclitic is still extremely produc
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(319) hasina bawane amali. . . hasi
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(321) Progressive uses a. ndìlìy
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-it-. . . -e. A handful of forms ar
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(331) chìnzí mwíndìtè? chinzi
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will be seen below, comparing the u
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Kratzer (2000) for German stativize
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. balinunite ba-li-nun-ite 1sg-pres
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Thus, the distribution of -ite sugg
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ka- as in (353a), but not with preh
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A question raised by the characteri
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Such clashing interpretations arose
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poses that information structuring
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6.4.3 -ite’s relevance presupposi
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Another example is given in (364).
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(368) handilahupwile bamayo hanu ma
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. kámbè ndàkàyá ! kwáSàmís
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. [Context set 1: I am busy. I don
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6.6.1 -ite’s narrative distributi
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. Nabo basikuchela shombo nokubona
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immediate question under discussion
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(386) Durative root (only perfectiv
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(389) a. mbá-a-c-éte ‘they came
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-ile variants for verbs that normal
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Resultative, especially with COS ve
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6.7.3.1 Tonga Tonga (M64) has an -i
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offer him food because he is full (
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Describes Describes past situation
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suffixes across Bantu, suggest that
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7.2 Completion, Tense, and Tenor To
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espectively. (409c) shows that -na-
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The intended meaning in (413) can b
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Figure 7.2: Contentful phase of -sa
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In short, according to Botne & Kers
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(426) àwà kándìlàwúkà ndàk
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. tàkándìtwâ ta-ka-ndi-tu-a neg
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(440) yùmwí èná òkùlé nèñ
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7.3.4 “Perfect” meanings Totela
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. ndìlìnèngètè ndi-li-neng-ete
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(459) ijilo liizite nandilayenda na
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Rather than presupposing that a sit
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This construction appears to treat
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Page 347 and 348: 7.4.3 Hortatives and subjunctives H
Page 349 and 350: In general, counterfactual completi
Page 351 and 352: (504) buti muponena twali kumisiya
Page 353 and 354: (512) Kùyá bùmínà àbántù. K
Page 355 and 356: Sometimes, when distal -ka- occurs
Page 357 and 358: More likely Less likely to be infle
Page 359 and 360: Chapter 8 Conclusion and future res
Page 361 and 362: 8.2 Directions for future research
Page 363 and 364: ——. 2007. Stem tone melodies in
Page 365 and 366: ——, 2010. High-tone anticipatio
Page 367 and 368: Glasbey, Sheila. 1998. Progressives
Page 369 and 370: Jacottet, Émile. 1896-1901. Étude
Page 371 and 372: Morris, Charles W. 1938. Foundation
Page 373 and 374: Shirai, Yasuhiro. 1998. Where the p
Page 375 and 376: Appendix A Definitions This appendi
Page 377 and 378: Information Structure (IS) (followi
Page 379 and 380: Time of Situation (TSit) the time f
Page 381 and 382: B.2 Consonant mutation: t ¿ s Alth
Page 383 and 384: B.5 -ile forms In Totela, only a fe
Page 385 and 386: Figure C.1: Downdrift in máyìwíy
Page 387 and 388: C.2.1 HTA within words HTA may be s
Page 389 and 390: o ku ba hu pu la H H H MR o ku ba h
Page 391 and 392: nánkala ‘crab’ echí-fuwa ‘b
Page 393 and 394: Syll Ø Root Pattern H Root Pattern
Page 395: Syll Ø Root Pattern H Root Pattern
Page 399 and 400: 384 Syll Ø Root Ø Root H Root H R
Page 401 and 402: C.7.2 Posited input H on second roo
Page 403 and 404: Syll Ø Root H Root 1 ta-ndi-nâ-lw
Page 407 and 408: C.7.3 Posited input H on final vowe
Page 409 and 410: Syll Ø Root H Root 1 ndi-chi-lwâ
Page 413 and 414: C.7.4 Other patterns Other patterns
Page 415 and 416: Appendix D Agreement forms Bantu la
Page 417 and 418: Figure D.1 indicates attested singu
Page 419 and 420: . bàchìkwàngálà bàlàùlùkà
Page 421 and 422: 406 NC Prefix SM OM Poss Poss Num A
Page 423: Clement Tubusenge, Tiyebulyo Jenika
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