Beyond Time - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

More documents

Recommendations

Info

389 Syll Ø Root Ø Root H Root H Root Ø OM H OM Ø OM H OM 1 ná-mu-mú-lye ná-mu-zi-lyê 2 ná-mu-mu-sáke ná-mu-ba-sáke ná-mu-mú-yase ná-mu-zi-hohe 2L ná-mu-mu-zíìke ná-mu-ba-zíìke ná-mu-mú-biike ná-mu-zi-biike 3 ná-mu-mu-wámbile ná-mu-ba-wámbile ná-mu-mú-hupule ná-mu-zi-yémbele 4 ná-mu-mu-ñátawule ná-mu-ba-ñátawule ná-mu-mú-babalele ná-mu-zi-bábalele na-SM-OM-Root-e Table C.17: Dissociative (posthodiernal) future hortative + object marker Syll Ø Root Ø Root H Root H Root Ø OM H OM Ø OM H OM 1 ta-ndí-chi-mú-pi ta-ndí-chi-ba-pi 2 ta-ndí-chi-mu-sáki ta-ndí-chi-ba-sáki (ta-ndí-chi-mú-yasa) (ta-ndí-chi-ba-yasa) 2L ta-ndí-chi-mu-zíìka ta-ndí-chi-ba-zíìka 3 ta-ndí-chi-mu-wámbila ta-ndí-chi-ba-wámbila ta-ndí-chi-mú-hupula ta-ndí-chi-ba-húpula 4 ta-ndí-chi-mú-bábalela ta-ndí-chi-ba-bábalela ta-SM-chi-OM-Root-a/i/e Table C.18: Persistive -chi- ‘still’ negative + object marker
390 Syll Ø Root Ø Root H Root H Root Ø OM H OM Ø OM H OM 1 ta-ndi-mú-nyi ta-ndí-chi-nyi ta-ndi-mú-pi ta-ndí-ba-pi 2 ta-ndi-mu-sáki ta-ndí-ba-sáki ta-ndi-mú-suwa ta-ndí-ba-suwa 2L ta-ndi-mu-zíìka ta-ndí-ba-zíìka ta-ndi-mú-biika ta-ndí-ba-biika 3 ta-ndi-mu-wámbila ta-ndí-ba-wámbila ta-ndi-mú-hupula ta-ndí-ba-húpula 4 ta-ndi-mu-ñátawula ta-ndí-ba-ñátawula ta-ndi-mú-babalela ta-ndí-ba-bábalela ta-SM-OM-Root-a/e/i Table C.19: Non-completive negative + object marker Syll Ø Root Ø Root H Root H Root Ø OM H OM Ø OM H OM 1 ta-ndi-na-ka-mú-ni ta-ndi-na-ká-chi-ni ta-ndi-na-ka-mú-pi ta-ndi-na-ká-ba-pi 2 ta-ndi-na-ka-mu-mánà ta-ndi-na-ká-chi-mána ta-ndi-na-ka-mú-yasa ta-ndi-na-ká-ba-yasa 2L ta-ndi-na-ka-mu-zíìka ta-ndi-na-ká-ba-zíìka ta-ndi-na-ka-mú-biika ta-ndi-na-ká-ba-biika 3 ta-ndi-na-ka-mu-wámbila ta-ndi-na-ká-ba-wámbila ta-ndi-na-ka-mú-hupula ta-ndi-na-ká-ba-húpula 4 ta-ndi-na-ka-mu-ñátawula ta-ndi-na-ká-ba-ñátawula ta-ndi-na-ka-mú-babalela ta-ndi-na-ká-ba-bábalela ta-SM-na-ka-OM-Root-a/i/e Table C.20: Dissociative (prehodiernal) past negative + object marker
Page 1 and 2:
Beyond Time: Temporal and Extra-tem
Page 3 and 4:
Abstract Beyond Time: Temporal and
Page 5 and 6:
To Kelvin and Mboshela i
Page 7 and 8:
and have continued in their support
Page 9 and 10:
from Veritas Graduate Student Fello
Page 11 and 12:
2.2.3 Comparison with Proto-BB . .
Page 13 and 14:
6.5 Summary of analysis of -ite as
Page 15 and 16:
Glosses Used Gloss Meaning 1 First
Page 17 and 18:
1.2 Theoretical background and moti
Page 19 and 20:
Following this general direction, I
Page 21 and 22:
The first major twentieth-century a
Page 23 and 24:
To make the fuzzy theories more pre
Page 25 and 26:
Multiple degrees of past/future ref
Page 27 and 28:
1.2.3 Approaches to extra-temporal
Page 29 and 30:
1.2.3.3 Primary temporal meaning fo
Page 31 and 32:
In their framework, time-based tens
Page 33 and 34:
. fortalééza y-a-cek-íw-a n’aa
Page 35 and 36:
an in-depth diachronic study of Tot
Page 37 and 38:
1.2.3) may develop at any stage. Th
Page 39 and 40:
within the narrative, “set apart
Page 41 and 42:
without affecting its temporal stru
Page 43 and 44:
Fleisch (2000), and Seidel (2008) d
Page 45 and 46:
. “Indicate episode ends” (Seid
Page 47 and 48:
imperfective, progressive, habitual
Page 49 and 50:
cluding activities, accomplishments
Page 51 and 52:
Some examples of the major categori
Page 53 and 54:
y the speaker’s perception of whe
Page 55 and 56:
P-Domain: D-Domain: Association Dis
Page 57 and 58:
Figure 1.15: Representation without
Page 59 and 60:
1.3.8 Other conventions Following C
Page 61 and 62:
Translations into Lozi were also pr
Page 63 and 64:
1.4.3 Limitations Although I carrie
Page 65 and 66:
Chapter 5 describes two major marke
Page 67 and 68:
(17) Innovations common to Bantu Bo
Page 69 and 70:
Totela data in de Luna (2008, 2010)
Page 71 and 72:
For more on the historical movement
Page 73 and 74:
may be an overrepresentation, since
Page 75 and 76:
2. “Endangered languages”: a.
Page 77 and 78:
officially recognized on a national
Page 79 and 80:
(19) Observed NT dialect continuum:
Page 81 and 82:
ilabial labio- dent. alveolar post-
Page 83 and 84:
Ã Only occurs in NC sequences (see
Page 85 and 86:
ilabial labio- dent. alveolar post-
Page 87 and 88:
2.2.4.1 Vowel length As noted above
Page 89 and 90:
2.2.6 Proto-Bantu Correspondences T
Page 91 and 92:
c. *t > s (before *u) *-túmÙ > ò
Page 93 and 94:
(32) *j a. *j > ∅ *-jìtìd > òk
Page 95 and 96:
Although data are not available for
Page 97 and 98:
morphemes typically grammaticalize
Page 99 and 100:
tive. Because the distal can co-occ
Page 101 and 102:
Noun Subject Class Marker 1(a) -mu-
Page 103 and 104:
c. Following u òkùwùlìlà òkù
Page 105 and 106:
òkù-yèndà ‘to walk’ → òk
Page 107 and 108:
(62) a. òkùsàmbìlìlà òkù-s
Page 109 and 110:
(66) Iterative extensions òkùtyò
Page 111 and 112:
(72) Tentive extension òkúkwààt
Page 113 and 114:
c. Negatives with -saka ‘want, li
Page 115 and 116:
c. As source Nòkùlòngàwô kús
Page 117 and 118:
Although all non-verb-final orderin
Page 119 and 120:
(89) abanakazi (aba) bena nabachech
Page 121 and 122:
Sounds Examples PB ZT NT PB ZT NT G
Page 123 and 124:
disappearance. In most cases, vowel
Page 125 and 126:
2.4.2 NT and ZT: differences in TAM
Page 127 and 128:
2.4.2.4 Negation FV NT ZT -a indica
Page 129 and 130:
e studied to evaluate claims about
Page 131 and 132:
in the prehodiernal past. Similarly
Page 133 and 134:
maintains the current discourse dom
Page 135 and 136:
NC Bare Cmpl 1/1a a- a- 2/2a ba- a-
Page 137 and 138:
(109) a. Atelic durative: ndanenga
Page 139 and 140:
. Past reading: ndákòmòkwà nda-
Page 141 and 142:
perception stative -suwa behaves li
Page 143 and 144:
With activity verbs such as -yenda
Page 145 and 146:
Totela data than other proposed sol
Page 147 and 148:
Botne’s description of -ire, in i
Page 149 and 150:
is formal. As Dahl (1985:129) notes
Page 151 and 152:
P-Domain: D-Domain: Association Dis
Page 153 and 154:
(137) a. [Context: the person descr
Page 155 and 156:
a “path of least effort” in whi
Page 157 and 158:
ecause the consequences of the past
Page 159 and 160:
(145) Sunu, twabuuka! Twabuuka ndet
Page 161 and 162:
3.3.2 -a- with motion verbs in narr
Page 163 and 164:
(152) Âwò, kàlì mùntù. Ii! N
Page 165 and 166:
3.3.5 -a- in narrative: summary The
Page 167 and 168:
verbs, the pathways of development
Page 169 and 170:
4. With a slight change in accent,
Page 171 and 172:
Chapter 4 Semantics and Pragmatics
Page 173 and 174:
These are discussed in section 4.4,
Page 175 and 176:
. Non-stative predicate: Was macht
Page 177 and 178:
all require a virtual, fictive read
Page 179 and 180:
Others (e.g Bybee et al. 1994), in
Page 181 and 182:
two-state situations, which are mad
Page 183 and 184:
The choice of modal base and orderi
Page 185 and 186:
adjacent syllable (to the right) is
Page 187 and 188:
(189) ìjìlò ndìyá kùmpìlì i
Page 189 and 190:
(199) chìyùnì (ndìsákà) chiyu
Page 191 and 192:
Because this chapter deals with the
Page 193 and 194:
In summary, analysis of the “pres
Page 195 and 196:
(212) a. ndilabon-a ≈ ndilibwene
Page 197 and 198:
The -la- marker is also compatible
Page 199 and 200:
4.3.6 Interactions with situation t
Page 201 and 202:
4.3.6.3 Duratives With durative (no
Page 203 and 204:
(232) a. àbá bàyîmbà bàtàbà
Page 205 and 206:
equirement, situations can either o
Page 207 and 208:
the [present] is used not so much b
Page 209 and 210:
In many languages, including Totela
Page 211 and 212:
otherwise reveal. Non-completive fo
Page 213 and 214:
are unmarked, as well as presents w
Page 215 and 216:
the head of his murdered child, fra
Page 217 and 218:
D.60 (e.g. Ha), and in some M langu
Page 219 and 220:
-la- lost its disjunctive flavor an
Page 221 and 222:
(251) tu-la-cita 1pl-pres-do ‘we
Page 223 and 224:
(253) a. Durative verbs: a-Ø-fik-i
Page 225 and 226:
Chapter 5 Past and Future: Dissocia
Page 227 and 228:
groups. While no languages had zero
Page 229 and 230:
. chìlìmò chàmánà chilimo cha
Page 231 and 232:
English, for example, future tense
Page 233 and 234:
differences - both concrete and sub
Page 235 and 236:
(270) Prehodiernal -ka-: ndàkàsà
Page 237 and 238:
c. ìjìlò chì-nzí ! ná-mù-li-
Page 239 and 240:
. ìjìlò nándìlà yá kùmpìl
Page 241 and 242:
not on the day of perspective time.
Page 243 and 244:
With both na- and -ka-, the time sp
Page 245 and 246:
with negation. The lack of -a- mark
Page 247 and 248:
. ísè19 nándìsíkè nándìlè
Page 249 and 250:
(303) Iñolo lyenu twakalibona ijil
Page 251 and 252:
would be similar, but the dissociat
Page 253 and 254:
5.4 Dissociativity in narrative Bot
Page 255 and 256:
(310) âwo kàlì mú ! kwáámè n
Page 257 and 258:
1. In narrator “commentary” abo
Page 259 and 260:
[In the Guaymí case] the immediate
Page 261 and 262:
proclitic is still extremely produc
Page 263 and 264:
(319) hasina bawane amali. . . hasi
Page 265 and 266:
(321) Progressive uses a. ndìlìy
Page 267 and 268:
-it-. . . -e. A handful of forms ar
Page 269 and 270:
(331) chìnzí mwíndìtè? chinzi
Page 271 and 272:
will be seen below, comparing the u
Page 273 and 274:
Kratzer (2000) for German stativize
Page 275 and 276:
. balinunite ba-li-nun-ite 1sg-pres
Page 277 and 278:
Thus, the distribution of -ite sugg
Page 279 and 280:
ka- as in (353a), but not with preh
Page 281 and 282:
A question raised by the characteri
Page 283 and 284:
Such clashing interpretations arose
Page 285 and 286:
poses that information structuring
Page 287 and 288:
6.4.3 -ite’s relevance presupposi
Page 289 and 290:
Another example is given in (364).
Page 291 and 292:
(368) handilahupwile bamayo hanu ma
Page 293 and 294:
. kámbè ndàkàyá ! kwáSàmís
Page 295 and 296:
. [Context set 1: I am busy. I don
Page 297 and 298:
6.6.1 -ite’s narrative distributi
Page 299 and 300:
. Nabo basikuchela shombo nokubona
Page 301 and 302:
immediate question under discussion
Page 303 and 304:
(386) Durative root (only perfectiv
Page 305 and 306:
(389) a. mbá-a-c-éte ‘they came
Page 307 and 308:
-ile variants for verbs that normal
Page 309 and 310:
Resultative, especially with COS ve
Page 311 and 312:
6.7.3.1 Tonga Tonga (M64) has an -i
Page 313 and 314:
offer him food because he is full (
Page 315 and 316:
Describes Describes past situation
Page 317 and 318:
suffixes across Bantu, suggest that
Page 319 and 320:
7.2 Completion, Tense, and Tenor To
Page 321 and 322:
espectively. (409c) shows that -na-
Page 323 and 324:
The intended meaning in (413) can b
Page 325 and 326:
Figure 7.2: Contentful phase of -sa
Page 327 and 328:
In short, according to Botne & Kers
Page 329 and 330:
(426) àwà kándìlàwúkà ndàk
Page 331 and 332:
. tàkándìtwâ ta-ka-ndi-tu-a neg
Page 333 and 334:
(440) yùmwí èná òkùlé nèñ
Page 335 and 336:
7.3.4 “Perfect” meanings Totela
Page 337 and 338:
. ndìlìnèngètè ndi-li-neng-ete
Page 339 and 340:
(459) ijilo liizite nandilayenda na
Page 341 and 342:
Rather than presupposing that a sit
Page 343 and 344:
This construction appears to treat
Page 345 and 346:
(483) tàlí mwàyá kwàKàìwàl
Page 347 and 348:
7.4.3 Hortatives and subjunctives H
Page 349 and 350:
In general, counterfactual completi
Page 351 and 352:
(504) buti muponena twali kumisiya
Page 353 and 354: (512) Kùyá bùmínà àbántù. K
Page 355 and 356: Sometimes, when distal -ka- occurs
Page 357 and 358: More likely Less likely to be infle
Page 359 and 360: Chapter 8 Conclusion and future res
Page 361 and 362: 8.2 Directions for future research
Page 363 and 364: ——. 2007. Stem tone melodies in
Page 365 and 366: ——, 2010. High-tone anticipatio
Page 367 and 368: Glasbey, Sheila. 1998. Progressives
Page 369 and 370: Jacottet, Émile. 1896-1901. Étude
Page 371 and 372: Morris, Charles W. 1938. Foundation
Page 373 and 374: Shirai, Yasuhiro. 1998. Where the p
Page 375 and 376: Appendix A Definitions This appendi
Page 377 and 378: Information Structure (IS) (followi
Page 379 and 380: Time of Situation (TSit) the time f
Page 381 and 382: B.2 Consonant mutation: t ¿ s Alth
Page 383 and 384: B.5 -ile forms In Totela, only a fe
Page 385 and 386: Figure C.1: Downdrift in máyìwíy
Page 387 and 388: C.2.1 HTA within words HTA may be s
Page 389 and 390: o ku ba hu pu la H H H MR o ku ba h
Page 391 and 392: nánkala ‘crab’ echí-fuwa ‘b
Page 393 and 394: Syll Ø Root Pattern H Root Pattern
Page 395 and 396: Syll Ø Root Pattern H Root Pattern
Page 397 and 398: C.33 Persistive -chi- ‘still’ +
Page 399 and 400: 384 Syll Ø Root Ø Root H Root H R
Page 401 and 402: C.7.2 Posited input H on second roo
Page 403: Syll Ø Root H Root 1 ta-ndi-nâ-lw
Page 407 and 408: C.7.3 Posited input H on final vowe
Page 409 and 410: Syll Ø Root H Root 1 ndi-chi-lwâ
Page 411 and 412: 396 Syll Ø Root Ø Root H Root H R
Page 413 and 414: C.7.4 Other patterns Other patterns
Page 415 and 416: Appendix D Agreement forms Bantu la
Page 417 and 418: Figure D.1 indicates attested singu
Page 419 and 420: . bàchìkwàngálà bàlàùlùkà
Page 421 and 422: 406 NC Prefix SM OM Poss Poss Num A
Page 423: Clement Tubusenge, Tiyebulyo Jenika
show all

Beyond Time - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

Create successful ePaper yourself

Delete template?

Save as template?