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Beyond Time - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

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f. luleme<br />

‘straight’ (Fowler 2000:851)<br />

Examples (401c) and (401d) are clearly stage-level statives; it is not clear whether the<br />

other examples in (401) represent enduring or temporary states, although, as noted above,<br />

an individual-level reading seems quite likely for states such as being round (401b) or being<br />

different (401a). If this is correct, and if Collins (1962:51) is accurate in his assessment <strong>of</strong><br />

-ide in Tonga (in example (391) above), there may be a pragmatic difference in the suffix’s<br />

use in the two languages. If this is the case, then Totela patterns more like Ila, allowing both<br />

stage-level and individual-level states. However, relevance effects are so strong in (391) that<br />

they might alone account for the temporary state associated with -ide (e.g. ‘he is dusty’<br />

rather than ‘he is white’) and no pragmatic difference need be posited.<br />

Although the examples available in the literature do not allow for a full analysis <strong>of</strong> -ile in<br />

Ila, they do suggest that -ile, like its counterparts in Tonga and Totela, has rich and complex<br />

usage possibilities that merit serious investigation.<br />

6.7.3.3 Subiya, Linyanti (Mbalangwe), and Fwe<br />

In his grammar <strong>of</strong> Subiya (K42), Jacottet (1896-1901) describes the -ite suffix purely as a<br />

perfect, with present meaning for verbs such as -ikuta (‘become full’; with -ite: -ikusi ‘be<br />

full’) and -zaka (‘build’; with -ite: -zakite ‘live [at a place]’):<br />

C’est que dans ces verbes le présent signifie: entrer dans un certain état, commencer<br />

à faire quelque chose.<br />

A perfect (anterior) use is still evident today in at least some Subiya varieties. In 2007,<br />

my young consultant (aged twenty-one at the time <strong>of</strong> our interview) characterized its use in<br />

anterior contexts as “deep” Subiya, as spoken by older people. In general, Subiya speakers<br />

appear to pattern their temporal interpretations <strong>of</strong> the -ite suffix similarly to Namibian<br />

Totela speakers and speakers <strong>of</strong> other varieties <strong>of</strong> that dialect continuum, such as Fwe (K402)<br />

and Linyanti (K401). 39<br />

In my brief 2007 survey <strong>of</strong> production and interpretation <strong>of</strong> -ite suffixes in the Caprivi<br />

languages, in which I interviewed one or two speakers each <strong>of</strong> Subiya, Linyanti (Mbalangwe),<br />

and Fwe, speakers’ temporal judgments <strong>of</strong> context-free -ite forms was identical for eight <strong>of</strong><br />

the ten verbs tested; ‘to write’ and ‘to read’ had varying responses (see above for discussion<br />

<strong>of</strong> -ite with these, and similar, verb roots.) 40 Table 6.5 shows speaker interpretations for<br />

the verbs tested. While the table displays a rough correlation with telicity, the examples<br />

in (402)-(404) show that, like Totela, other Caprivi languages have much more complex<br />

conditions for the use and interpretation <strong>of</strong> -ite.<br />

39Maho (2009) includes Linyanti (<strong>of</strong>ten called “Mbalangwe”) as a variety <strong>of</strong> Subiya within his “Subiya-<br />

Totela” group.<br />

40 ‘To read’ was tested in both telic (‘to read two books’) and atelic (‘to read’) contexts; both situation<br />

types received both present and anterior interpretations from different speakers, presumably dependent on<br />

the contexts they constructed for themselves.<br />

299

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