Scientism and Values.pdf - Ludwig von Mises Institute

Fiduciary Responsibility and Improbability Principle 117
6. "Some Remarks on the Human Implications of Technological Change
in Underdeveloped Areas," Social Problems, Vol. I (1953), p. 13.
7. "The Cold War and American Domestic Problems," Social Problems,
Vol. I (1953), p. 12.
8. Op. cit., p. 14.
9. Op. cit., pp. 13, 14.
10. Opt cit.} p. 14.
II. Nels Anderson, The Urban Community: A World Perspective (New
York, 1959), pp. 101, 475.
12. It is not impossible that this development is related to the extension of
state laws for licensing professional psychologists in recent years. There
is some inference here that sociologists and anthropologists are no
longer legitimately concerned with the social issues staked out by psychologists.
See discussions in American Sociological Review, Vol. XXIV,
Nos. 3, 4 (1959).
13. Human Organization, Vol. IX, No. 1 (Spring, 1950), p. 1.
14. Ibid., Vol. X, No.2 (Summer, 1951), p. 32.
15. Burgess, op. cit., p. 3.
l5a. For those who reject this value, the label "authoritarian personality"
has been developed and documented at length, and with multiple tabulations.
16. See Milovan Djilas, The New Class (New York, 1957).
17. Auguste Comte, it will be remembered, established a new "organized"
religion. But a cursory glance into introductory textbooks in sociology
will confirm this point. While there are a few exceptions, the very popular
Sociology, by Wm. F. Ogburn and Meyer Nimkoff, in its various
editions has divided events into two categories: fact (i.e., science) and
fantasy (religion). It is not suggested that science should espouse organized
religion, but neither should science attack it-as science. See
also, in this connection, C. P. Oberndorf, "Selectivity and Option for
Psychiatry," American Journal of Psychiatry, April 1954, p. 754.
18. Professor Wolfram Eberhard, sociologist and anthropologist at the University
of California in Berkeley, pointed to the mental block produced
by egalitarian commitments in much of American social science, when
he examined why the ethnologist Richard Thurnwald has had so little
impact in the United States: "Thurnwald started out from the point
from which many theories started, the obvious connections between the
economic system of a society and its societal structure. But keeping away
from the one-sidedness of economic determinism, he tried by careful
field-work or by painstaking study of the reported data to uncover the
exact type of economic-social interrelations.... This led him to his
theory of 'superstratification' as a factor of decisive importance.... Resistance
against this theory in the United States seems to stem basically
from a feeling that to accept as 'normal' a hierarchical order of people
in all higher organized societies would go against a belief in democracy."
(Uln Memoriam Richard Thurnwald," Revista do museu Paulista, Sao
Paulo, Vol. IX, 1955, pp. 297 £.)
19. A. L. Kroeber, A nthropology (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company,
1948), p. 124.