LITIGATING SOCIO-ECONOMIC RIGHTS IN SOUTH AFRICA - PULP
LITIGATING SOCIO-ECONOMIC RIGHTS IN SOUTH AFRICA - PULP
LITIGATING SOCIO-ECONOMIC RIGHTS IN SOUTH AFRICA - PULP
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194 Chapter 6<br />
Nonetheless, it should be acknowledged that the structural<br />
interdict may raise issues touching on the institutional capacity of the<br />
courts as the judges may carry out what may appear to be<br />
administrative functions for which they are ill-suited. 142 This is one of<br />
the factors that force courts to prefer procedures that provide final<br />
determinations to disputes. This is in contrast to those procedures<br />
that call for a multiplicity of actions and ongoing judicial<br />
supervision. 143 The courts do not want to be entangled in the day-today<br />
running of government. 144 Fiss has submitted that such<br />
entanglement may compromise the judge’s independence and may<br />
act as an entry point for the judge into the world of politics. 145<br />
In my opinion, however, the relevant issue is whether or not such<br />
entry is justified by the circumstances of a particular case and<br />
whether respect for other organs of state could still be maintained.<br />
Respect for the executive and legislative branches of the state could<br />
still be realised by crafting the structural interdict with a degree of<br />
deference to the other organs. This is especially at the initial stages<br />
of the remedial process. 146 The court may have to begin by<br />
acknowledging the competence and expertise at the disposal of the<br />
state. The court should seek to harness this expertise by requiring the<br />
government to come up with a plan detailing how it intends to remedy<br />
the proclaimed violation. This approach, if successful, will heighten<br />
the chances of the remedy being implemented as it may do away with<br />
resistance from the other organs. This is because of the involvement<br />
of those responsible for its implementation in its formulation. Though<br />
the court may choose to be intrusive, it could still, in the formulation<br />
of the remedy, involve the state institution which is at fault. The<br />
court could, for instance, appoint an expert who is mandated to assist<br />
the parties to themselves find a solution to the problem. A more<br />
intrusive approach would require the expert to find a solution, with<br />
or without the contribution of the parties. An even more intrusive<br />
approach would force the court itself to come up with a solution and<br />
to ask the government, for instance, to implement its order within a<br />
142 C Sunstein ‘Suing government: Citizen remedies for official wrongs. By Peter<br />
Schuck’ Book review (1983) 92 Yale Law Journal 749 753. See also Special Project<br />
(n 66 above) 813.<br />
143 Cassels (n 5 above) 289. Horowitz (n 133 above) 19 attributes the institutional<br />
challenges faced by the courts to the shift from the traditional nature of judicial<br />
review which merely required forbidding of state action by the judiciary saying no<br />
to other branches. The approach has been changed to one of requiring affirmative<br />
action on the part of other branches, which may constrain the resources of the<br />
judiciary to manage the task of commanding.<br />
144 I Currie & J de Waal The Bill of Rights handbook (2005) 218-219. Currie and De<br />
Waal have suggested that it is, therefore, important that the terms of the order<br />
be devised in a flexible manner that does not result in supervision becoming too<br />
intrusive and result in a blurring of the distinction between executive and judicial<br />
functions (219).<br />
145<br />
Fiss (n 65 above) 46.<br />
146 Cooper-Stephenson (n 7 above) 34.