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LITIGATING SOCIO-ECONOMIC RIGHTS IN SOUTH AFRICA - PULP

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194 Chapter 6<br />

Nonetheless, it should be acknowledged that the structural<br />

interdict may raise issues touching on the institutional capacity of the<br />

courts as the judges may carry out what may appear to be<br />

administrative functions for which they are ill-suited. 142 This is one of<br />

the factors that force courts to prefer procedures that provide final<br />

determinations to disputes. This is in contrast to those procedures<br />

that call for a multiplicity of actions and ongoing judicial<br />

supervision. 143 The courts do not want to be entangled in the day-today<br />

running of government. 144 Fiss has submitted that such<br />

entanglement may compromise the judge’s independence and may<br />

act as an entry point for the judge into the world of politics. 145<br />

In my opinion, however, the relevant issue is whether or not such<br />

entry is justified by the circumstances of a particular case and<br />

whether respect for other organs of state could still be maintained.<br />

Respect for the executive and legislative branches of the state could<br />

still be realised by crafting the structural interdict with a degree of<br />

deference to the other organs. This is especially at the initial stages<br />

of the remedial process. 146 The court may have to begin by<br />

acknowledging the competence and expertise at the disposal of the<br />

state. The court should seek to harness this expertise by requiring the<br />

government to come up with a plan detailing how it intends to remedy<br />

the proclaimed violation. This approach, if successful, will heighten<br />

the chances of the remedy being implemented as it may do away with<br />

resistance from the other organs. This is because of the involvement<br />

of those responsible for its implementation in its formulation. Though<br />

the court may choose to be intrusive, it could still, in the formulation<br />

of the remedy, involve the state institution which is at fault. The<br />

court could, for instance, appoint an expert who is mandated to assist<br />

the parties to themselves find a solution to the problem. A more<br />

intrusive approach would require the expert to find a solution, with<br />

or without the contribution of the parties. An even more intrusive<br />

approach would force the court itself to come up with a solution and<br />

to ask the government, for instance, to implement its order within a<br />

142 C Sunstein ‘Suing government: Citizen remedies for official wrongs. By Peter<br />

Schuck’ Book review (1983) 92 Yale Law Journal 749 753. See also Special Project<br />

(n 66 above) 813.<br />

143 Cassels (n 5 above) 289. Horowitz (n 133 above) 19 attributes the institutional<br />

challenges faced by the courts to the shift from the traditional nature of judicial<br />

review which merely required forbidding of state action by the judiciary saying no<br />

to other branches. The approach has been changed to one of requiring affirmative<br />

action on the part of other branches, which may constrain the resources of the<br />

judiciary to manage the task of commanding.<br />

144 I Currie & J de Waal The Bill of Rights handbook (2005) 218-219. Currie and De<br />

Waal have suggested that it is, therefore, important that the terms of the order<br />

be devised in a flexible manner that does not result in supervision becoming too<br />

intrusive and result in a blurring of the distinction between executive and judicial<br />

functions (219).<br />

145<br />

Fiss (n 65 above) 46.<br />

146 Cooper-Stephenson (n 7 above) 34.

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