LITIGATING SOCIO-ECONOMIC RIGHTS IN SOUTH AFRICA - PULP
LITIGATING SOCIO-ECONOMIC RIGHTS IN SOUTH AFRICA - PULP
LITIGATING SOCIO-ECONOMIC RIGHTS IN SOUTH AFRICA - PULP
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Legal nature of socio-economic rights 39<br />
the executive and legislature have at their disposal expertise and<br />
information, the solutions that they come up with may not be ones<br />
tested against real conflicts. The solutions may fail to address some<br />
problems that may not have been anticipated when, for instance,<br />
legislation was adopted. 114 It is when such problems arise that the<br />
courts’ expertise kicks in. It is on this basis that it is submitted that in<br />
structural reform litigation, the circumstances compelling the courts<br />
to intervene do not arise from a desire to take action in conflict with<br />
affirmative legislative and executive programmes. Rather, the<br />
circumstances are created by the deficit brought about by legislative<br />
and executive inaction or neglect. 115 The legislature and executive<br />
could have come up with and stuck on solutions that in practice do not<br />
realise the rights protected.<br />
In such a case, the courts may redirect policy, legislation or<br />
conduct in order to align them with the constitution and to solve reallife<br />
problems. 116 When the courts do this, they will not be intruding<br />
on the territory of either the legislature or the executive. Instead, the<br />
courts will be establishing a dialogue between themselves and the<br />
other branches in terms of which each branch is expected to<br />
contribute its special skills in solving the problem. 117 Additionally,<br />
there is nothing that stops the courts from availing themselves of<br />
technical expertise through expert evidence. The courts could<br />
114 See Scott & Macklem (n 9 above) 37. They submitted that petitions have the<br />
effect of drawing attention to personal circumstances that reveal failures and<br />
problems unknown to or avoided by those responsible for drafting legislation.<br />
According to Scott & Macklem, such failures and problems may not have been<br />
predicted by, or may remain hidden from the view of, legislators or bureaucrats<br />
who live a more privileged life than those claiming the benefit of constitutionallyentrenched<br />
social rights, and who are not institutionally required to listen to<br />
individual stories to produce a bridge between life experiences. In their opinion,<br />
this applies whether the body is the government, a legislative committee, or an<br />
international monitoring institution.<br />
115 T Eisenberg & S Yeazell ‘The ordinary and the extraordinary in institutional<br />
litigation’ (1980) 93 Harvard Law Review 465 495-496. Eisenberg and Yeazell<br />
submit that there is nothing that suggests that regulating public institutions is a<br />
task so clearly and exclusively allocated to the legislative and executive branches<br />
that judicial action is unwarranted even in the face of recalcitrance by other<br />
government actors. Horowitz (n 20 above) 24, however, submits that there is no<br />
institution that can do everything and that while this may be justification for<br />
intervention by the courts into policy matters, there is no guarantee that the<br />
judiciary’s action will proceed from proper diagnosis or that it will not be<br />
deflected in the course of executing the functions.<br />
116<br />
S Sturm ‘A normative theory of public law remedies’ (1991) 79 Georgetown Law<br />
Journal 1355 1387-1388.<br />
117 M Wesson ‘Grootboom and beyond: Reassessing the socio-economic jurisprudence<br />
of the South African Constitutional Court’ (2004) 20 South African Journal on<br />
Human Rights 284 295 307.