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LITIGATING SOCIO-ECONOMIC RIGHTS IN SOUTH AFRICA - PULP

LITIGATING SOCIO-ECONOMIC RIGHTS IN SOUTH AFRICA - PULP

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Legal nature of socio-economic rights 39<br />

the executive and legislature have at their disposal expertise and<br />

information, the solutions that they come up with may not be ones<br />

tested against real conflicts. The solutions may fail to address some<br />

problems that may not have been anticipated when, for instance,<br />

legislation was adopted. 114 It is when such problems arise that the<br />

courts’ expertise kicks in. It is on this basis that it is submitted that in<br />

structural reform litigation, the circumstances compelling the courts<br />

to intervene do not arise from a desire to take action in conflict with<br />

affirmative legislative and executive programmes. Rather, the<br />

circumstances are created by the deficit brought about by legislative<br />

and executive inaction or neglect. 115 The legislature and executive<br />

could have come up with and stuck on solutions that in practice do not<br />

realise the rights protected.<br />

In such a case, the courts may redirect policy, legislation or<br />

conduct in order to align them with the constitution and to solve reallife<br />

problems. 116 When the courts do this, they will not be intruding<br />

on the territory of either the legislature or the executive. Instead, the<br />

courts will be establishing a dialogue between themselves and the<br />

other branches in terms of which each branch is expected to<br />

contribute its special skills in solving the problem. 117 Additionally,<br />

there is nothing that stops the courts from availing themselves of<br />

technical expertise through expert evidence. The courts could<br />

114 See Scott & Macklem (n 9 above) 37. They submitted that petitions have the<br />

effect of drawing attention to personal circumstances that reveal failures and<br />

problems unknown to or avoided by those responsible for drafting legislation.<br />

According to Scott & Macklem, such failures and problems may not have been<br />

predicted by, or may remain hidden from the view of, legislators or bureaucrats<br />

who live a more privileged life than those claiming the benefit of constitutionallyentrenched<br />

social rights, and who are not institutionally required to listen to<br />

individual stories to produce a bridge between life experiences. In their opinion,<br />

this applies whether the body is the government, a legislative committee, or an<br />

international monitoring institution.<br />

115 T Eisenberg & S Yeazell ‘The ordinary and the extraordinary in institutional<br />

litigation’ (1980) 93 Harvard Law Review 465 495-496. Eisenberg and Yeazell<br />

submit that there is nothing that suggests that regulating public institutions is a<br />

task so clearly and exclusively allocated to the legislative and executive branches<br />

that judicial action is unwarranted even in the face of recalcitrance by other<br />

government actors. Horowitz (n 20 above) 24, however, submits that there is no<br />

institution that can do everything and that while this may be justification for<br />

intervention by the courts into policy matters, there is no guarantee that the<br />

judiciary’s action will proceed from proper diagnosis or that it will not be<br />

deflected in the course of executing the functions.<br />

116<br />

S Sturm ‘A normative theory of public law remedies’ (1991) 79 Georgetown Law<br />

Journal 1355 1387-1388.<br />

117 M Wesson ‘Grootboom and beyond: Reassessing the socio-economic jurisprudence<br />

of the South African Constitutional Court’ (2004) 20 South African Journal on<br />

Human Rights 284 295 307.

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