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LITIGATING SOCIO-ECONOMIC RIGHTS IN SOUTH AFRICA - PULP

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34 Chapter 2<br />

their representatives to account to them. 91 Unlike the politicians, the<br />

judges are insulated from the political pressures and their<br />

professional ideals allow them to decide matters in a more<br />

dispassionate and impartial manner. 92 They will therefore be able to<br />

entertain and consider in a more or less impartial manner the<br />

complaints of aggrieved members of society who may consider<br />

themselves to have been let down by the political process. Such<br />

persons may have been prevented from participating in the political<br />

process by weaknesses such as lack of political power or economic<br />

disadvantage. 93<br />

It should also be noted that, simply because a government has<br />

been constituted by the majority does not mean that it exercises its<br />

powers without restrictions. A constitution, while giving adequate<br />

powers to the elected representatives of the people, should also<br />

structure political power in a manner that prevents abuse. 94 This is<br />

the essence of the doctrine of constitutionalism. This doctrine<br />

requires that government powers be limited to those set out in the<br />

91 Abramovich (n 35 above) 197. South Africa offers a good example of the<br />

deficiencies of representative democracy. By the South African system of<br />

proportional representation, the voters cast their votes for political parties with<br />

the hope that the political parties will represent their wishes. However, the<br />

system does not establish clear legal processes through which the voters can hold<br />

the political parties to their promises. Instead, the voters will have to wait for<br />

another election to remove those parties that did not fulfil their election<br />

promises. Many irremediable wrongs may have occurred during this waiting<br />

period. This problem is made worse by the fact that the political parties have a<br />

highly centralised decision-making system. Decisions are taken by the political<br />

mantle of the party consisting of the elitist leadership. While decisions may be<br />

influenced by such pressure groups as labour unions, these pressure groups are<br />

sometimes highly patronised by the leadership.<br />

92<br />

A Chayes ‘The role of the judge in public law litigation’ (1979) 89 Harvard Law<br />

Review 1281 1307-1308. See also Sachs (n 79 above) 139-140.<br />

93 Davis et al (n 86 above) 2.<br />

94<br />

K Govender ‘Assessing the constitutional protection of human rights in South<br />

Africa during the first decade of democracy’ in Buhlungu et al (eds) State of the<br />

Nation: South Africa 2005-2006 (2005) 93 97. Limitation of political powers is<br />

made more pertinent by the history of South Africa. South Africa experienced<br />

decades of dictatorial and discriminatory rule which had been sustained, among<br />

others, by the constitutional system of parliamentary supremacy. This<br />

constitutional system had produced a government that enjoyed a clear majority<br />

in the legislature in spite of the fact that it comprised of the minority white<br />

group. The constitutional system did not produce any real restrictions of power to<br />

forestall abuse. Generally, the judiciary was controlled by the executive and did<br />

not have powers to review the activities of the other organs or to test them<br />

against established constitutional standards. To turn this page in history, South<br />

Africa needed a supreme constitution that effectively provides protection against<br />

abuse of power. This is exactly what the 1996 Constitution does. For a detailed<br />

discussion of South Africa’s constitutional history, see Dugard (n 69 above); and E<br />

Hassen The soul of a nation: Constitution making in South Africa (1998) Oxford 5-<br />

27.

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