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Language Diversity in the Classroom - ymerleksi - home

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The <strong>Language</strong> Debate 95Guardian <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Education Section, no less claimed that childrenspeak<strong>in</strong>g what he called ‘an East London dialect offshoot’ (whatever thatanimal might be) are ‘lack<strong>in</strong>g entire sounds and words <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir vocalrepertoire’. A Sunday Telegraph columnist argued that fail<strong>in</strong>g to ‘correct’lower-class grammar was deny<strong>in</strong>g children <strong>the</strong> very ‘right to knowledge’.Lippi-Green (1997) provides many examples of widespread negativeattitudes towards Black English (and o<strong>the</strong>r nonstandard dialects) <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>United States; as we shall see, such attitudes can be just as common amongteachers as among ‘laypersons’, and just as strongly held by nonstandarddialectspeakers <strong>the</strong>mselves as <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> public at large.Deficient <strong>Language</strong>S<strong>in</strong>ce class and regional differences <strong>in</strong> accent and dialect have alwaysbeen <strong>the</strong> source of comment, imitation and derision, it is not difficult tounderstand <strong>the</strong> appeal of a formal deficit view of certa<strong>in</strong> speech styles.One of <strong>the</strong> first scholarly attempts (perhaps <strong>the</strong> first; see Dittmar, 1976) to<strong>in</strong>vestigate class differences <strong>in</strong> speech was that of Schatzman and Strauss(1955). Follow<strong>in</strong>g a tornado <strong>in</strong> Arkansas, lower- and middle-classrespondents were asked to describe <strong>the</strong> frighten<strong>in</strong>g event. The formergroup were found to transmit much less <strong>in</strong>formation about <strong>the</strong>occurrence than were <strong>the</strong> latter. There was little attempt to set <strong>the</strong> scene,as it were, for <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>terviewer, and <strong>the</strong> respondents were apparently ableto do little more than reconstruct <strong>the</strong> event as it had appeared to <strong>the</strong>mdirectly and personally <strong>in</strong> ‘particularistic or concrete terms’ (Schatzman& Strauss, 1955: 333). There was much digression, which, though perhapsmean<strong>in</strong>gful for <strong>the</strong> speaker, was irrelevant and/or confus<strong>in</strong>g for <strong>the</strong>listener. The lower-class <strong>in</strong>terviewees seemed to assume that <strong>the</strong><strong>in</strong>terviewer shared much contextual <strong>in</strong>formation when, <strong>in</strong> fact, thiswas not so. Middle-class <strong>in</strong>formants, by contrast, were generally able toreconstruct <strong>the</strong> event <strong>in</strong> a logical and mean<strong>in</strong>gful way. Schatzman andStrauss acknowledged that <strong>the</strong> lower-class people were communicat<strong>in</strong>gacross class l<strong>in</strong>es (i.e. to a middle-class <strong>in</strong>terviewer) and were probablymore unfamiliar with <strong>the</strong> requirements of <strong>the</strong> task important po<strong>in</strong>ts, aswe shall see. Never<strong>the</strong>less, <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>vestigators felt able to conclude that thisgroup of respondents had a reduced capacity for perceiv<strong>in</strong>g andcommunicat<strong>in</strong>g abstract thoughts; some, <strong>the</strong>y argued, ‘literally cannottell a straight story or describe a simple <strong>in</strong>cident coherently’ (Schatzman& Strauss, 1955: 336; see also Strauss & Schatzman, 1960).In a related study, Templ<strong>in</strong> (1957) obta<strong>in</strong>ed speech samples fromlower- and middle-class white American children (aged between three

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