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Language Diversity in the Classroom - ymerleksi - home

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Black English as Ebonics 171nonstandard speakers may not regularly use <strong>the</strong> more standard variants:<strong>the</strong>re are well-understood differences, <strong>in</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r words, between competenceand performance. Indeed, <strong>the</strong> basic dist<strong>in</strong>ction here had been madeclear at <strong>the</strong> very time that <strong>the</strong> ‘deficit’ position was at its strongest. As Ihave already po<strong>in</strong>ted out, Trudgill (1975) observed that work<strong>in</strong>g-classchildren could use Bernste<strong>in</strong>’s ‘elaborated code’ under certa<strong>in</strong> circumstances;and, earlier still, Rob<strong>in</strong>son (1965) had found that <strong>the</strong> writtengrammar of work<strong>in</strong>g-class children was not markedly different from thatof middle-class pupils (see also Rushton & Young, 1975).It is abundantly clear that <strong>the</strong> context <strong>in</strong> which language is displayedand recorded is of <strong>the</strong> greatest significance someth<strong>in</strong>g that Labov (1969)famously illustrated <strong>in</strong> his demonstrations that <strong>the</strong> vaunted ‘nonverbality’of <strong>the</strong> black child could be made to disappear if <strong>in</strong>terviewand observation situations were made more appropriate. One implicationhere is that <strong>the</strong> use of BEV among black children varies (Edwards &Giles, 1984). Torrey (1983: 642) thus po<strong>in</strong>ted out that:a teacher <strong>in</strong> a class of black children who hears BE forms frequentlyshould not conclude that all or even most of <strong>the</strong> class membersconform to <strong>the</strong> general description of BE... some <strong>in</strong>dividuals useonly one or two BE forms, and o<strong>the</strong>rs completely standard forms.Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, some who use many BE forms <strong>in</strong> spontaneous speechare perfectly able to handle SE <strong>in</strong> read<strong>in</strong>g and o<strong>the</strong>r language tests.The black children so profoundly misunderstood by deficit <strong>the</strong>oristsare, of course, possessors of a vibrant l<strong>in</strong>guistic heritage and a rich oralculture. It is quite remarkable that such obvious markers of anhistorically longstand<strong>in</strong>g tradition were <strong>in</strong>visible or ignored by‘deficit’ proponents of remedial and compensatory education. WhereBereiter and Engelmann (1966) saw black children as lack<strong>in</strong>g rudimentaryforms of dialogue, unable to recognize s<strong>in</strong>gle words and view<strong>in</strong>glanguage as someth<strong>in</strong>g dispensable <strong>in</strong> social life (one wonders, still, howsuch bl<strong>in</strong>dness could have occurred), Labov (1969: 33) and his colleaguessaw <strong>the</strong>se same children liv<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> a community ‘ba<strong>the</strong>d <strong>in</strong> verbalstimulation from morn<strong>in</strong>g to night’.A study by Edwards (1999b) illum<strong>in</strong>ates both <strong>the</strong> cont<strong>in</strong>u<strong>in</strong>g difficulties<strong>in</strong> teacher’s perceptions of nonstandard speech and someth<strong>in</strong>g of <strong>the</strong>oral fluency of black children. Among a rural primary-school population<strong>in</strong> Nova Scotia, black children, white Acadian-French children and whitechildren of English-speak<strong>in</strong>g background were studied. Each childprovided three speech samples: a set read<strong>in</strong>g passage, a retold story(i.e. <strong>the</strong> experimenter tells <strong>the</strong> child a story, who <strong>the</strong>n retells it a

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