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Language Diversity in the Classroom - ymerleksi - home

Language Diversity in the Classroom - ymerleksi - home

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72 <strong>Language</strong> <strong>Diversity</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Classroom</strong>When it was found that some groups more materially disadvantagedthan American blacks outperformed <strong>the</strong>m on non-verbal <strong>in</strong>telligencetests, Jensen and o<strong>the</strong>rs claimed this to be a demonstration of <strong>the</strong>weakness of an environmentalist position. A specific <strong>in</strong>stance wasrecorded by Hans Eysenck: he observed that <strong>the</strong> test performance ofInuit children was superior to that of black youngsters, even though <strong>the</strong>former apparently live under much harsher environmental conditionsthan <strong>the</strong> latter; <strong>in</strong>deed, some Inuit test scores were at or above <strong>the</strong> normsestablished for white children. Eysenck (1975: 110) summarized <strong>the</strong>matter as follows:if social and sensory deprivation, or o<strong>the</strong>r environmental deprivationfactors, are postulated to account for IQ deficits <strong>in</strong> white work<strong>in</strong>gclassor coloured populations, <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> logic of <strong>the</strong> explanationrequires absolutely that a severely deprived group, such as <strong>the</strong>Eskimos [sic], should show evidence of IQ deficit; <strong>the</strong> fact is that <strong>the</strong>ydo not.In fact, however, all that is demonstrated is <strong>the</strong> complexity of environmentalfactors, <strong>the</strong> difficulty <strong>in</strong> adequately assess<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>m, and <strong>the</strong>danger <strong>in</strong> simply equat<strong>in</strong>g material poverty with educational and socialdisadvantage; see Taylor and Skanes (1977) for a thoughtful response toEysenck’s assertions. To equate observable and ra<strong>the</strong>r gross <strong>in</strong>dices ofmaterial deprivation with <strong>in</strong>tellectual disadvantage, when such variablesmay not <strong>in</strong> fact be directly relevant, does not make for a strong case.There may exist all sorts of differences <strong>in</strong> all sorts of groups, such thatsome will score better than o<strong>the</strong>rs on any given test, and such differencesmay or may not be related to poverty of physical environment. It is atleast a reasonable assumption, however, that score differences may berelated to more specific, less visible variables that exist and operate <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>social environment. (In fairness to Jensen, Eysenck and <strong>the</strong>ir epigones, itshould be acknowledged that <strong>the</strong> environmentalist position that <strong>the</strong>yattacked did often base its arguments largely upon material deprivation;this emphasis, however, was a weakness of <strong>the</strong> environmentalist stanceon disadvantage, not of <strong>the</strong> explanatory value of <strong>the</strong> environment per se;see below.)Attempts have been made to control for environment by match<strong>in</strong>gsocioeconomic-status levels across <strong>the</strong> groups that are to be compared(black and white schoolchildren, for <strong>in</strong>stance), but <strong>the</strong>se cannot be veryuseful <strong>in</strong> contexts <strong>in</strong> which such match<strong>in</strong>g does not really implyenvironmental equality. In societies where racial prejudice exists, forexample, it is obvious that gross similarities <strong>in</strong> socioeconomic status may

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