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Language Diversity in the Classroom - ymerleksi - home

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84 <strong>Language</strong> <strong>Diversity</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Classroom</strong>social pluralism is seen to represent an enrich<strong>in</strong>g aspect of <strong>the</strong> largersociety, not someth<strong>in</strong>g to be eradicated.Some researchers have questioned <strong>the</strong> frequent assertion one withwhich I concur that schools are middle-class <strong>in</strong>stitutions. If <strong>the</strong>y arenot, might it be <strong>the</strong> case that <strong>the</strong> <strong>home</strong>-school discont<strong>in</strong>uity fordisadvantaged children is not, after all, significantly more marked thanfor <strong>the</strong>ir non-disadvantaged counterparts? This <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g possibilitywas noted, for example, by several contributors to a discussion ofpoverty edited by Feagans and Farran (1982), and <strong>the</strong> particularemphasis was upon l<strong>in</strong>guistic variance. Tough (1982: 14) noted, forexample, that learn<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> many schools is a passive activity, and thatteachers’ talk dom<strong>in</strong>ates classroom dynamics; <strong>in</strong> that and o<strong>the</strong>r ways, shesuggested, ‘many schools operate <strong>in</strong> a way that is similar to <strong>the</strong>disadvantaged <strong>home</strong>’ (i.e. where, it is alleged, patterns of communicationare frequently more authoritarian than <strong>in</strong>teractive; see follow<strong>in</strong>g chapters).Snow (1982: 258) stated that it would be hard to make a strong case‘that classrooms are much more like middle-class than like lower-class<strong>home</strong>s’. And Farran (1982) remarked that schools are def<strong>in</strong>itely not likemiddle-class <strong>home</strong>s: <strong>the</strong>y are more rigidly didactic, <strong>the</strong>y are bureaucratic,<strong>the</strong>y emphasize rules and regulations, and so on.However, while <strong>the</strong> classroom is obviously not a clone of <strong>the</strong> familysitt<strong>in</strong>g room, <strong>the</strong> notion that <strong>the</strong> former is not, after all, a middle-classsett<strong>in</strong>g confuses <strong>the</strong> procedures of school<strong>in</strong>g with its <strong>in</strong>stitutional ethosand its <strong>in</strong>tentions. To claim, on <strong>the</strong> basis of procedures alone, that a<strong>home</strong>-school discont<strong>in</strong>uity does not apply particularly to lower-classchildren is to ignore possible discont<strong>in</strong>uities based upon <strong>the</strong> purposesbeh<strong>in</strong>d such procedures: <strong>the</strong>se soon become apparent, are more relevantthan <strong>the</strong> procedures, and may well lead to more difficulties for <strong>the</strong>disadvantaged child.Compensatory Intervention?From a ‘difference’ perspective, <strong>the</strong> notion of compensatory educationis clearly rejected, s<strong>in</strong>ce it implies that <strong>the</strong>re is someth<strong>in</strong>g deficient tobe improved or replaced. A difference position emphasizes above all,<strong>the</strong> need for schools to change, and to accommodate to <strong>the</strong> needs of<strong>the</strong> disadvantaged child: this need not mean a replacement of what <strong>the</strong>child br<strong>in</strong>gs to school, but ra<strong>the</strong>r an acceptance of <strong>the</strong> value of allbackgrounds. Still, reject<strong>in</strong>g a ‘replacement’ policy does not rule outattempts to enhance, broaden or add to children’s repertoires; suchattempts characterize more recent language programs, for example (see

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