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Language Diversity in the Classroom - ymerleksi - home

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The <strong>Language</strong> Debate 115terms, <strong>the</strong>n, Labov suggested that <strong>the</strong> ‘non-verbality’ of disadvantagedchildren is a myth (see also Keddie, 1973), that it is dangerous to <strong>in</strong>ferunderly<strong>in</strong>g ability from particularities of language usage, and thatarguments for <strong>the</strong> superiority of <strong>the</strong> middle-class elaborated code maybe facile.Labov also turned more directly to <strong>the</strong> central question here: <strong>the</strong><strong>in</strong>ternal adequacy (i.e. <strong>the</strong> ‘logic’) of disadvantaged and nonstandardlanguage. The arguments all revolve around <strong>the</strong> central po<strong>in</strong>t of rulegovernedusage. To show that a dialect is not some <strong>in</strong>accurate anddeficient approximation of ‘correct’ language, it is necessary to demonstratethat it follows rules of its own. Two or three of Labov’s exampleshere will make <strong>the</strong> po<strong>in</strong>t that such regularity is <strong>in</strong>deed a feature of BlackEnglish and, by extension, of all dialects (see also <strong>the</strong> similarlypioneer<strong>in</strong>g work of Shuy, 1970; Wolfram, 1969). References to ‘BlackEnglish’ and its rules should not, <strong>in</strong>cidentally, be taken to mean that <strong>the</strong>variety is some l<strong>in</strong>guistic monolith, spoken by all black people. The<strong>in</strong>vestigations of Labov and most o<strong>the</strong>r American l<strong>in</strong>guists focus upon<strong>in</strong>ner-city urban populations, and <strong>the</strong> l<strong>in</strong>guistic features <strong>the</strong>y report arenot necessarily found <strong>in</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r communities (<strong>in</strong> rural black sett<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>in</strong>Nova Scotia, to cite one context: see Edwards, 1999b). Similarly, <strong>in</strong> herstudy of Barbadians <strong>in</strong> New York, Callender (2005: 17) notes that <strong>the</strong>common use of BEV as a synonym for AAVE (African AmericanVernacular English) neglects o<strong>the</strong>r varieties: thus, ‘black dialects ofEnglish that are not American have been largely unrecognized’. H<strong>in</strong>tonand Pollock (2000) draw particular attention to <strong>the</strong> neglect of regionalvariation <strong>in</strong> BEV, call<strong>in</strong>g explicitly for more study of smaller and ruralcommunities. Of course, <strong>the</strong> essential po<strong>in</strong>ts made by l<strong>in</strong>guistic researchersabout dialect validity rema<strong>in</strong> unaffected.One frequently stigmatized feature of BEV is <strong>the</strong> deletion of <strong>the</strong> copulaverb, <strong>in</strong> sentences like ‘We go<strong>in</strong>’ to <strong>the</strong> store’. In o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>in</strong>stances, however,<strong>the</strong> verb appears: ‘She was go<strong>in</strong>’ with me’, for <strong>in</strong>stance. The regularityhere depends upon tense (present or past) and it maps perfectly onto amore standard template. Thus, where standard English allows verbalcontraction (‘They are go<strong>in</strong>g’ can legitimately become ‘They’re go<strong>in</strong>g’), soBEV allows deletion. And, where standard usage bars contraction (<strong>in</strong> pasttenseusages, for example), so BEV disallows deletion. Different rules, tobe sure, but equally ‘logical’. It is worth po<strong>in</strong>t<strong>in</strong>g out here that presenttensecopula deletion is hardly unique to BEV. In virtually all varieties ofEnglish it is common to hear constructions like ‘This your car?’ (as apoliceman might ask a double-parked motorist). Such verbal ellipsis alsooccurs <strong>in</strong> ‘headl<strong>in</strong>e’ English (‘Richard Burton dead’) and on signs (‘Exit at

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