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Language Diversity in the Classroom - ymerleksi - home

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Black English as Ebonics 175responses to BEV <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> classroom. Of considerable <strong>in</strong>terest here aredebates about <strong>the</strong> ‘African-ness’ of BEV, on <strong>the</strong> one hand, and its status asone English dialect among many, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r. These def<strong>in</strong>itional mattersare not only of narrow academic concern; <strong>the</strong>y have figured <strong>in</strong> morepublic discussions too, notably <strong>the</strong> Oakland ‘case’ (see below), <strong>in</strong> whichclaims that ‘Ebonics’ was basically an African variety could have beenimportant factors <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> type of educational provisions to be made forblack children at school (see Rickford, 2002; Smith, 2001).As it turned out, <strong>the</strong> Ann Arbor case was a precursor to a still morewidely discussed situation: <strong>the</strong> resolution of <strong>the</strong> Oakland, California,school board, <strong>in</strong> December 1996, declar<strong>in</strong>g Ebonics to be <strong>the</strong> nativelanguage of its black students. There are several reliable overviewsavailable <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> literature; among <strong>the</strong> important monographs are those byBaugh (2000), Kretzschmar (1998), Pandey (2000) and Ramirez et al.(2005). My citations from <strong>the</strong> actual Oakland decisions are taken from <strong>the</strong>last of <strong>the</strong>se sources. Among <strong>the</strong> best paper-length discussions are thoseof Barnes (2003), Baugh (2002), Deák (2007), Rickford (2002), Smi<strong>the</strong>rman(1998) and Wolfram (1998). Recently, De Bose (2005) provided alanguage-plann<strong>in</strong>g approach to BEV, pay<strong>in</strong>g particular attention to itsuse at school.And what is Ebonics? The term was co<strong>in</strong>ed by researchers tak<strong>in</strong>g part<strong>in</strong> a conference <strong>in</strong> St Louis devoted to <strong>the</strong> language of black children.Baugh (2004: 307) writes that <strong>the</strong> ‘scholars at <strong>the</strong> 1973 meet<strong>in</strong>g were allAfrican Americans’, but <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> preface to his edited collection, Williams(1975) states that ‘many’ white researchers were also <strong>the</strong>re. In any event,<strong>the</strong> term (constructed from ‘ebony’‘phonics’) arose from <strong>the</strong> desire todef<strong>in</strong>e and describe black language from a black po<strong>in</strong>t of view. ‘Ebonics’can be generally taken as synonymous with o<strong>the</strong>r terms <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>gBlack English (BE), BEV and African American Vernacular English(AAVE) although some have tried to draw dist<strong>in</strong>ctions (see Rickford,2002). Speicher and McMahon (1992) observed that s<strong>in</strong>ce BEV is not adialect spoken solely by black people (see above) and s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong> termcont<strong>in</strong>ues to be seen negatively <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> media and elsewhere, <strong>the</strong> label‘Ebonics’ may be preferable. They go on to say that ‘it avoids directreference to <strong>the</strong> race while ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g an association with African-American culture and, <strong>the</strong>refore, a l<strong>in</strong>k to <strong>the</strong> African traditions thatsurvived <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> code’ (Speicher & McMahon, 1992: 401). All reasonableenough, except that it is ra<strong>the</strong>r difficult to see ‘Ebonics’ as not mak<strong>in</strong>gpretty obvious reference to black people!In 1996, Oakland was one of a handful of cities <strong>in</strong> which a majority of<strong>the</strong> citizens were African Americans, and many of <strong>the</strong>ir children were

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