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Language Diversity in the Classroom - ymerleksi - home

Language Diversity in the Classroom - ymerleksi - home

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270 <strong>Language</strong> <strong>Diversity</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Classroom</strong>one-third (Castro, 1992). And second, while Spanish was often heard <strong>in</strong>Los Angeles, Houston and elsewhere, it fell differently on Floridian ears:elsewhere it was<strong>the</strong> language spoken by <strong>the</strong> people who worked <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> car wash andcame to trim <strong>the</strong> trees and cleared <strong>the</strong> tables <strong>in</strong> restaurants. In Miami,Spanish was spoken by <strong>the</strong> people who ate <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> restaurants, <strong>the</strong>people who owned <strong>the</strong> cars and <strong>the</strong> trees, which made, on <strong>the</strong> socioauditoryscale, a considerable difference... what was so unusualabout Spanish <strong>in</strong> Miami was not that it was so often spoken, but thatit was so often heard. (Didion, 1987: 63)This is an important and perspicacious comment by <strong>the</strong> famousAmerican writer, one that sounds an om<strong>in</strong>ous note for all immigrantsas <strong>the</strong>y beg<strong>in</strong> to ascend <strong>the</strong> socioeconomic ladder. They are not supposedto violate ‘<strong>the</strong> norm of immigrant subord<strong>in</strong>ation’ and, when <strong>the</strong>y do,reactionary consequences can be expected to follow (Castro, 1992: 181). Infact, <strong>the</strong> pattern is a remarkably robust one and <strong>in</strong>volves more than alittle conflict between <strong>the</strong> old-guard ma<strong>in</strong>stream and <strong>the</strong> socially mobilenewcomers. Those immigrants who were once on <strong>the</strong> receiv<strong>in</strong>g end ofsocial prejudice <strong>the</strong>mselves are just as likely to pass it on to newer wavesof arrivals. Those escap<strong>in</strong>g from <strong>the</strong> mid-19th-century fam<strong>in</strong>e were likelyto read ‘No Irish Need Apply’ signs <strong>in</strong> Boston w<strong>in</strong>dows; but, ageneration or two later, <strong>the</strong> politically savvy Irish were just as unpleasantto Slavs and Jews. It goes without say<strong>in</strong>g that <strong>the</strong> Irish are not to bes<strong>in</strong>gled out here; almost all groups reveal similar unpleasant dynamics,and no one’s hands are particularly clean when it comes to discrim<strong>in</strong>ationof this sort; see Morrison and Zabusky (1980) for a few <strong>in</strong>directadmissions of prejudicial attitudes and actions <strong>in</strong> this regard.One of <strong>the</strong> most popular arguments of those opposed to bil<strong>in</strong>gualeducation is that its implementation has created a substantial number ofeducators, adm<strong>in</strong>istrators, researchers, consultants, evaluators ando<strong>the</strong>rs. Their activities have re<strong>in</strong>forced those of teachers of foreignlanguages <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> United States, a constituency that has generally been <strong>in</strong>a bad way for a long time. There is, <strong>the</strong>n, a large group of educatedpeople with strong vested <strong>in</strong>terests <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> cont<strong>in</strong>uation of well-fundedbil<strong>in</strong>gual education (and o<strong>the</strong>r language) programs, and <strong>the</strong> voices ofsuch articulate defenders, it is claimed, are often ‘privileged’ over thoseof more ord<strong>in</strong>ary citizens. Thus, Unz noted correctly, so far as it goes that his Proposition-227 <strong>in</strong>itiative was one of <strong>the</strong> most popular <strong>in</strong>California history; he also wrote that:

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