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Language Diversity in the Classroom - ymerleksi - home

Language Diversity in the Classroom - ymerleksi - home

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Black English as Ebonics 181criticism from a l<strong>in</strong>guistic perspective; and see Coates (2008) for ajournalistic overview.Beyond his <strong>in</strong>temperate language, Cosby is clearly upset by <strong>the</strong> pooreducational achievements of black students, and ascribes much of this toattitude and language. This can be seen as a particular focus upon a muchbroader social issue; see M<strong>in</strong>cy (2006) for studies of <strong>the</strong> behavior andattitudes of urban <strong>in</strong>ner-city black men. Among many aspects of <strong>the</strong>matter, it is clear that a sense of social ‘marg<strong>in</strong>alization’, coupled with andfuelled by poverty and prejudice, can lead to an <strong>in</strong>ability or anunwill<strong>in</strong>gness to engage <strong>in</strong> important and potentially reward<strong>in</strong>g activities.Thus, for <strong>in</strong>stance, a recent assessment of <strong>the</strong> poor academic performanceof black children <strong>in</strong>vokes <strong>the</strong> idea of disidentification with <strong>the</strong> school. Theimplication is that, to <strong>the</strong> extent that students do not ‘identify’ with <strong>the</strong>academic culture, <strong>the</strong>y will perform poorly <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> classroom. This seemsan entirely reasonable supposition, and Osborne (1997), Steele (1992),Steele and Aronson (1995) and o<strong>the</strong>rs have demonstrated that a lack ofconnection here is most pronounced among African American maleteenagers.‘Disidentification’ with <strong>the</strong> school is heightened when we considerthat some students ra<strong>the</strong>r more po<strong>in</strong>tedly develop what has been termedan ‘oppositional identity’ (Wiggan, 2007). This is obviously not someth<strong>in</strong>gthat applies solely to black students an active and oppositionaldisda<strong>in</strong> for school is an historically and culturally widespread phenomenon(see also A<strong>in</strong>sworth-Darnell & Downey, 1998; Farkas et al., 2002;Goldsmith, 2004; Tyson, 2002). St<strong>in</strong>son’s (2006) overview is particularlyuseful here, as he considers various approaches to understand<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>achievement gap that so often separates black and white students, boysespecially. Of particular <strong>in</strong>terest is <strong>the</strong> ‘cool pose’ often adopted by blackmale adolescents as a visible rejection of <strong>the</strong> life of <strong>the</strong> school. As Majorsand Billson (1993) and Majors and Gordon (1994) have demonstrated,displays of ‘ritualized mascul<strong>in</strong>ity’ <strong>in</strong>volv<strong>in</strong>g dress, posture, stance andstride, hairstyles, speech styles and o<strong>the</strong>r such ‘statements’ can all beimportant here. They signify a blatant and forceful rejection, to be sure,but <strong>the</strong>y also act as markers of group solidarity. Whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>y represent<strong>the</strong> most effective avenue of social progress is, of course, ano<strong>the</strong>r matterentirely, and one that is much discussed both with<strong>in</strong> and without <strong>the</strong>black community itself.No one doubts that children un<strong>in</strong>terested <strong>in</strong> school are unlikely to dowell <strong>the</strong>re, or that a vicious circle can easily be generated. Almost twogenerations ago, Katz (1967) po<strong>in</strong>ted to motivation as <strong>the</strong> centralunderly<strong>in</strong>g factor: failure at school (particularly early failure) tends to

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