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Language Diversity in the Classroom - ymerleksi - home

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Disadvantage: A Brief Overview 47compar<strong>in</strong>g median family <strong>in</strong>comes across groups may give a mislead<strong>in</strong>gpicture of <strong>the</strong>ir relative SES. Their mid-1990s <strong>in</strong>vestigations <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> UnitedStates revealed that, although white family <strong>in</strong>comes were on average halfaga<strong>in</strong> as large as those of black families, <strong>the</strong> overall wealth of <strong>the</strong> former(<strong>the</strong>ir ‘capital assets’, most notably <strong>home</strong> ownership) was about ten timesgreater.None<strong>the</strong>less, while <strong>the</strong> two overlap to a considerable extent, disadvantageis not simply a synonym for poverty. With<strong>in</strong> areas of highunemployment, poor hous<strong>in</strong>g and low <strong>in</strong>come, one certa<strong>in</strong>ly expects tof<strong>in</strong>d a concentration of social or educational disadvantage. It is also truethat ethnic and racial m<strong>in</strong>orities are very often poor (although externaland visible markers of class or ethnicity may mask a great deal ofheterogeneity). On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, it would be logically <strong>in</strong>correct toequate comfortable physical surround<strong>in</strong>gs with absence of socio-educationaldisadvantage. It is clear that <strong>the</strong>re are many ‘good’ <strong>home</strong>s <strong>in</strong>work<strong>in</strong>g-class neighborhoods and many ‘poor’ ones <strong>in</strong> middle-classsuburbia; see Wiseman (1968) for an early expression of this, andGarbar<strong>in</strong>o et al. (1997).Recent statistics from Toronto a heavily multicultural city, with morethan a quarter of a million schoolchildren from virtually every countryon earth reveal someth<strong>in</strong>g of <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>teraction between ethnicity andmaterial poverty (Wente, 2006). While children from <strong>the</strong> poorestneighborhoods are three times more likely to drop out of school thanare those from <strong>the</strong> richest ones (33 versus 11%), achievement differencesamong ethnic groups are more strik<strong>in</strong>g. Romanian and Ch<strong>in</strong>ese children(with drop-out rates of about 11.5%) and Gujarati, Bengali and Tamilpupils (about 16%) are <strong>the</strong> most likely to f<strong>in</strong>ish school, while <strong>the</strong> leastlikely to stay <strong>the</strong> course are Somali, Caribbean, Portuguese and SouthAmerican children (whose drop-out rates are on <strong>the</strong> order of 40%). Thesefigures are, broadly speak<strong>in</strong>g, typical of o<strong>the</strong>r countries <strong>in</strong> which <strong>the</strong>seimmigrant groups are represented. Writ<strong>in</strong>g about <strong>the</strong> American experience,Ste<strong>in</strong>berg et al. (1996) consider that ethnicity is <strong>the</strong> most predictiveof children’s school success, more important than parental wealth, twoparentfamilies and stay-at-<strong>home</strong> mo<strong>the</strong>rs. The Asian students who do sowell <strong>in</strong> anglophone contexts benefit from <strong>home</strong>s <strong>in</strong> which educationalachievement is highly valued, and <strong>in</strong> which family habits and valuesreflect and support this. Their disproportionate presence <strong>in</strong> universityleveleducation is as marked as that of black and Hispanic children <strong>in</strong>opposite directions, of course.If so much importance rests upon family ‘culture’, obvious questionsarise about many contemporary educational <strong>in</strong>novations and practices

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