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Language Diversity in the Classroom - ymerleksi - home

Language Diversity in the Classroom - ymerleksi - home

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148 <strong>Language</strong> <strong>Diversity</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Classroom</strong><strong>in</strong>telligence, ambition, <strong>in</strong>dustriousness and competence are <strong>the</strong> issue;ano<strong>the</strong>r is that this relationship seems to obta<strong>in</strong> both for members of <strong>the</strong>low-prestige group and for more middle-class speakers. In related work,Ryan and Carranza (1975) found similar results when consider<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>evaluations of standard English and Mexican-accented English made byMexican-American, black and ‘anglo’ speakers: <strong>the</strong> former was assessed ashigher <strong>in</strong> status than <strong>the</strong> latter. In a fur<strong>the</strong>r ref<strong>in</strong>ement, Ryan et al. (1977)found that <strong>the</strong> degree of nonstandardness <strong>in</strong>fluenced judges’ evaluations.Rat<strong>in</strong>gs of Spanish-English bil<strong>in</strong>guals, read<strong>in</strong>g an English passage, showedthat favorability of impressions decreased as degree of Spanish accentedness<strong>in</strong>creased. Studies from <strong>the</strong> same period <strong>in</strong>volv<strong>in</strong>g black Americanspeakers are also suggestive. Tucker and Lambert (1969), for example,presented a number of different American English dialect varieties to threegroups of university students nor<strong>the</strong>rn white, sou<strong>the</strong>rn white andsou<strong>the</strong>rn black and found that all groups evaluated standard-Englishspeakers most favorably.The relevant literature here, largely from <strong>the</strong> 1960s and 1970s, whensuch work was at its apogee, is an extensive one and it confirms what hasbeen well understood at a popular level for a long time. The speechpatterns of regional speakers, of ethnic m<strong>in</strong>ority-group members, oflower- or work<strong>in</strong>g-class populations (categories that frequently overlap,of course) elicit negative evaluations, most importantly <strong>in</strong> terms ofperceived status, prestige or ‘educatedness’, and this stereotypic patternseems to hold whe<strong>the</strong>r or not <strong>the</strong> listeners are standard speakers<strong>the</strong>mselves. Some of <strong>the</strong>se early studies, undertaken before <strong>the</strong> morerecent emergence of black or Hispanic ‘pride’, do reveal h<strong>in</strong>ts ofl<strong>in</strong>guistic and psychological developments to come. Flores and Hopper(1975), for <strong>in</strong>stance, found slight preferences on <strong>the</strong> part of Mexican-American judges for <strong>the</strong> speech styles of compañeros who referred to<strong>the</strong>mselves as ‘Chicano’. But it would be naïve to assume that negativelanguage stereotypes are generally wan<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> a broad societal sense. Thefeel<strong>in</strong>g that one’s own speech is not ‘good’ has historically been a verycommon phenomenon <strong>in</strong>deed, for reasons that are as clear as <strong>the</strong>y areunfair. It is a particularly disturb<strong>in</strong>g one, however, when we considerhow easily <strong>the</strong> belief may be exacerbated by those who might beexpected to know better: teachers, for <strong>in</strong>stance. As Halliday (1968: 165)once observed:A speaker who is made ashamed of his own language habits suffers abasic <strong>in</strong>jury as a human be<strong>in</strong>g; to make anyone, especially a child,

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