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Language Diversity in the Classroom - ymerleksi - home

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110 <strong>Language</strong> <strong>Diversity</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Classroom</strong>pr<strong>in</strong>ciple holds regardless of <strong>the</strong> languages under comparison. AsLenneberg (1967) observed, <strong>the</strong>re are no ‘primitive’ languages, novarieties that are <strong>in</strong>herently more complete or more logical than o<strong>the</strong>rs;‘logic’ <strong>in</strong> languages is simply a synonym for ‘grammar’. Lenneberg’sobservation is only one example of a broadly held l<strong>in</strong>guistic conviction;<strong>the</strong> fact that it was made when <strong>the</strong> ‘deficit’ perspective on disadvantagewas at its peak is an <strong>in</strong>dication of how l<strong>in</strong>guistically ill-<strong>in</strong>formed were <strong>the</strong><strong>the</strong>orists of ‘verbal deprivation’. (When I equate logic with grammar,<strong>in</strong>cidentally, I obviously presc<strong>in</strong>d from arguments for an underly<strong>in</strong>gdeep ‘logic’ common to all languages.) Similar <strong>in</strong>sights apply to dialects ‘just as <strong>the</strong>re is no l<strong>in</strong>guistic reason for argu<strong>in</strong>g that Gaelic is superiorto Ch<strong>in</strong>ese, so no English dialect can be claimed to be l<strong>in</strong>guisticallysuperior or <strong>in</strong>ferior to any o<strong>the</strong>r’ (Trudgill, 1975: 26), and this chapter willprovide support<strong>in</strong>g evidence.(There is, of course, ample evidence that beyond <strong>the</strong> enlightened anddata-driven assessments of scholars languages and dialects are not allof equal, or potentially equal, value. Fishman has made <strong>the</strong> po<strong>in</strong>t,directly and <strong>in</strong>directly, throughout his work (e.g. Fishman, 1980, 1987;García, 1991). And Mackey (1978: 7) po<strong>in</strong>ted out, some time ago, that‘only before God and <strong>the</strong> l<strong>in</strong>guist are all languages equal. Everyoneknows that you can go fur<strong>the</strong>r with some languages than you can witho<strong>the</strong>rs’. We shall certa<strong>in</strong>ly see support<strong>in</strong>g evidence for this, here and <strong>in</strong>o<strong>the</strong>r chapters.)By an early age, and certa<strong>in</strong>ly by <strong>the</strong> time <strong>the</strong>y go to school, allchildren with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> normal range of <strong>in</strong>telligence have acquired a fluentgrasp of <strong>the</strong>ir maternal variety. S<strong>in</strong>ce, as we shall see, all dialects are fullyfledged, rule-governed systems across which comparisons of ‘better’ or‘worse’ cannot legitimately be made, <strong>the</strong>n it follows that all childrenlearn ‘proper’ or ‘correct’ language. While ‘a fluent grasp’ is not <strong>the</strong> sameas a perfect one, some l<strong>in</strong>guists ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> that children are on <strong>the</strong> road tothis perfection, that <strong>the</strong>y are learn<strong>in</strong>g a proper language properly. Inconsider<strong>in</strong>g this proposition, Trudgill (1975) notes that we all make slipsof <strong>the</strong> tongue, or say th<strong>in</strong>gs that we don’t mean to; fatigue is often a factorhere, of course. He also realizes that we sometimes use words withoutknow<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>ir proper or accepted mean<strong>in</strong>g. He adds that, if we <strong>in</strong>tend tospeak <strong>in</strong> a particular dialect but <strong>the</strong>n use a word or phrase from ano<strong>the</strong>r,this could be construed as a mistake; terms like ‘style’, ‘register’ and‘jargon’ could be substituted for ‘dialect’ here. And f<strong>in</strong>ally, Trudgillaccepts that we often make mistakes <strong>in</strong> speak<strong>in</strong>g a language that is notour first. But he is adamant that:

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