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Regional Markets

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<strong>Regional</strong> <strong>Markets</strong> for Local Development<br />

Of course, the interventions presented here as cases most often try to change the situation<br />

found on the ground and deemed unsatisfactory for poor farmers. Most cases show<br />

a tendency to shift to the quadrants marked by improved organisation generally: from<br />

market to group action, or from hierarchy to network. Moving from the right to the left<br />

(i.e. weakening of organisation) does not seem very plausible and does not appear in<br />

the figure. Also, we did not record any shifts from left to right in our set of cases—even<br />

though in real life this may happen often—when processors and traders start to dominate<br />

the market and control the producers (regardless of their degree of organisation).<br />

A shift from one quadrant to another implies changes in more than one aspect (organisation<br />

of farmers, stronger position of producers etc.). Considering the scores of the<br />

cases on the themes described above, we would expect that other aspects also change<br />

when cases develop in a certain dimension. For example, improving infrastructure and<br />

improved links to export market facilities will not remain an isolated change. Other<br />

aspects will also change, such as governance, gender, etc. How this change happens<br />

is dependent on individual circumstances—each change in the value chain will yield<br />

expected and unexpected consequences.<br />

In most cases, ironically, NGOs assisting value chain actors to improve their position<br />

and income have focused interventions at the level where there is limited value addition:<br />

most often, attention is being placed on the role of and benefits for small-scale<br />

producers at the start of the value chain. Similarly the cases in this book largely reflect<br />

the view of these networks or organisations that see it as their task to make markets<br />

accessible and profitable for small-scale producers. At the producer level, the cases<br />

show a strong focus on small-scale producers (usually owning less than 2.5 hectares,<br />

and quite often less than 1 hectare). In practice small-scale producers dedicate some of<br />

this limited land to food production for domestic consumption. Because of their small<br />

volume of production, individual farmers are not in a very powerful position in relation<br />

to processors or traders. Most projects, therefore, focus on improving the negotiating<br />

position of these producers (rather than on increasing productivity), usually by organising<br />

producer groups to improve market presence and strengthen negotiating position.<br />

Ironically therefore, most effort is put in a situation where the position of producers is<br />

weakest, and improving along dimensions that imply the largest effort.<br />

This effort is undertaken with different degrees of sophistication, and it remains to be<br />

seen whether it is possible to achieve the goal of empowering smallholders without<br />

massive and extended external funding. In the examples where the external funding<br />

was relatively small, the NGOMA case in western Kenya for instance, we see persistent<br />

but only limited impact. Without external support, it seems to be quite difficult to build<br />

up a strong farmers organisation that can successfully lobby against established forces<br />

in the market in any short period of time.<br />

162

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