Regional Markets
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1 Introduction<br />
is used). Market knowledge can be instrumental for securing these additional funds.<br />
Partly, this access has been facilitated by enhanced telecommunications networks, for<br />
example, mobile phones have opened up ways to acquire this knowledge. Also physical<br />
access to new markets is improving across the developing world. After a long period of<br />
steady deterioration, road networks are again being built and upgraded. Of course, their<br />
construction still reflects their primary functions, i.e. linking the large cities and centres<br />
of mineral extraction to harbours; however, also strategic roads are being built (e.g.,<br />
between East African countries in the framework of their further economic integration).<br />
A huge impulse to local economic growth, the growing urban centres, and thus<br />
to rising local food crop production is the result. In addition to examining this physical<br />
infrastructure (roads, telecommunications etc.), we will also deal with organisational<br />
infrastructure or institutional development. Institutional infrastructure has been recognised<br />
for some time now as an important production factor that reduces transaction<br />
costs. Institutional development means that relationships are being developed and trust<br />
is being built (Nederlof and Pyburn 2012), and it often is a prerequisite for changes in<br />
physical infrastructure (Kirsten et al. 2009). Even though the issue of reducing transaction<br />
costs is key to both physical and organisational infrastructure, we will discuss these<br />
issues separately in the concluding chapter, where we will go into detail on the governance<br />
of value chains and the various models presented in the cases.<br />
A focus on producer and consumer prices<br />
Policies on prices have evolved throughout the past decades. In the 1970s and 1980s,<br />
marketing boards (parastatal organisations that managed the purchase and marketing of<br />
food crops in many of the countries in the developing world) generally tried to maintain<br />
low food prices in order to reduce living costs for urban consumers. It was considered<br />
that with low food prices, the costs of labour could also be maintained at low<br />
levels, which would translate into competitive prices for industrial products on the world<br />
market. However, this low food price policy in developing countries resulted in very<br />
low market participation of smallholders in commodity production. With the Structural<br />
Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) of the 1990s, the food markets in the South were liberalised<br />
and local markets regained strength as food commodity prices increased and the<br />
livelihood of rural smallholders was improved. For poor local and urban consumers, of<br />
course, the price increase was a problem. Subsequently a focus on reducing transaction<br />
costs developed, most strongly with multilateral institutions, to protect their interest and<br />
safeguard their living costs against high food commodity prices. For example, market<br />
price information systems were developed, to make farmers, traders and retailers aware<br />
of prices and thus of opportunities to optimise market opportunities (both on the producer<br />
and consumer side). Road and market infrastructure as well as reducing the costs<br />
of bridging the physical distance between farmers and consumers were areas of action.<br />
Reducing the number and importance of middle-men has also always been a point of<br />
attention, which sometimes resulted in a complete redesign of the value chain.<br />
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