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The Marines, Counterinsurgency, and Strategic Culture

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Bounding the Possible 39

History has given Americans good reason to believe that well- meaning

political administrations may lack an informed foundation on the risks, possible

humiliation, and other large- scale costs of irregular wars. From the

Philippines to the Banana Wars to Vietnam and then Afghanistan and Iraq,

US policymakers did not foresee the protracted nature of the counterinsurgency

and nation- building enterprises on which they were embarking and

therefore supplied little by way of direction or advanced planning to the

military forces sent to engage in them.

The frustrations born of poorly executed counterinsurgencies have historically

led to denial. The event of the Vietnam War, for instance, was perceived

by both the military and the nation as an aberration and, like other

irregular conflicts, “outside the scope of American political- military policy.” 6

Denial has consequences. Eliot Cohen argues that Americans compound

their own counterinsurgency conundrum by “simply refusing to believe

that they will again send soldiers into obscure corners of the world to fight

for limited political objectives against a hostile non- European power.” The

consequence of this mind- set is a state of chronic underpreparedness when

faced with the next round. 7

A number of factors may explain Americans’ aversion to, failure to plan

for, and at least initial stumbling within counterinsurgency settings. One

that nearly ensures costly and repeated mistakes is “a cultivated ignorance

of other nations,” 8 combined with a debilitating proclivity for ahistoricism. 9

Samuel Huntington argued in 1957 that American indifference to international

affairs was a natural repercussion of American- style liberalism, which

had deeply and homogeneously rooted itself in the nation. Liberalism in

America did not incorporate any coherent philosophy vis- à- vis foreign

affairs, leaving Americans only domestic solutions for international problems.

10 Oliver Lee argues that this trend has continued, undiminished, in the

decades since Huntington wrote. American insularity is a repercussion of an

“extraordinary degree of individualism” in American culture, which compels

the American people to focus “their concerns and energies upon advancing

the interests of the individual and his or her family and perhaps their local

community, and to some extent of the nationwide community, but [demonstrate]

little interest in or concern about the wide world beyond. . . .” 11

This knowledge gap about the outside world, however, does not inhibit

Americans from possessing strong opinions about it. 12 Unsurprisingly, this

often leads to offensive behavior, born more of ignorance than malice. 13

American leadership is not required by its public to demonstrate a

significantly more refined grasp of the world. Civilian policymakers and

elected officials are rarely punished for manifesting a limited sense of history

or analytic capability. 14 A premium is placed on experience- based common

sense and forward- looking ambition. 15 Revered American icon Henry Ford

is reported to have said, “History is more or less bunk. It’s tradition. We

don’t want tradition. We want to live in the present and the only history

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