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Pre-Colombian Jamaica: Caribbean Archeology and Ethnohistory

by Phillip Allsworth-Jones

by Phillip Allsworth-Jones

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38 / Chapter 3.<br />

would be referred to as a classic “ culture- historical” model, of a rather rigid<br />

kind, based on pottery typology, unchanged in its essentials for 50 years. As<br />

such, it has acquired the characteristics of a dogma, <strong>and</strong> has been presented as<br />

such. All around in the world of archaeology there has been change, but it has<br />

not changed. Rouse himself was well aware of this. As he rather disarmingly<br />

proclaimed in his last book The Tainos, “My generation of archaeologists was<br />

trained to proceed solely in terms of artifacts <strong>and</strong> the cultures to which they<br />

belonged” (1992:69). He also took into consideration “the peoples who possessed<br />

the cultures,” but otherwise he saw no reason to change his ways. As he<br />

confessed to Siegel, he had always been drawn toward taxonomy rather than<br />

ecology, <strong>and</strong> he was never really interested in the excavation of archaeological<br />

sites either (Siegel 1996:671–672, 686). That left the “accumulation of a succession<br />

of chronological charts” as what he considered to be his principal contribution<br />

to archaeology over the years. Since he also confessed to being a “normative”<br />

archaeologist, with an “inductive” strategy, it was scarcely surprising<br />

that, as he said himself, he became “a whipping boy of the New Archaeologists”<br />

of the 1960s <strong>and</strong> after (Siegel 1996:677–678). To his credit, Rouse refused to<br />

be fazed by all of this, but nonetheless it is clear why some now feel that it is<br />

time to start again in the West Indies.<br />

Alternatives to Rouse’s Scheme<br />

From time to time, some authors have expressed discontent regarding aspects of<br />

the Rouse system, <strong>and</strong> others have voiced dissatisfaction with the entire framework,<br />

but in a general way without really proposing an alternative. Thus, following<br />

his excavations in Cuba, particularly at Levisa, J. K. Kozlowski proposed<br />

the creation of a Paleo- Indian (<strong>Pre</strong>ceramic) “ Seboruco- Mordán culture”<br />

based on “the typological <strong>and</strong> technological analysis of stone industries” (Kozlowski<br />

1975; 1980). His study differed, as he said, in its methods <strong>and</strong> results,<br />

“above all, because it has been written from the st<strong>and</strong>point of the Old World,”<br />

that is, traditional European Paleolithic archaeology. He got no thanks for<br />

this, because, as A. Gus Pantel put it (in Sued- Badillo 2003:122), “his application<br />

of European continental typologies on the West Indian assemblages has<br />

resulted in a stereotyping of the early inhabitants of the isl<strong>and</strong>s.” Veloz Maggiolo<br />

(1979) by contrast emphasized the importance of the environment, <strong>and</strong><br />

demonstrated that there was no automatic correlation between types of ceramics<br />

<strong>and</strong> settlement patterns, the latter by implication being much more significant.<br />

Thus the “drastic change” from Ostionoid to Meillacoid in the Cibao val-

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