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Pre-Colombian Jamaica: Caribbean Archeology and Ethnohistory

by Phillip Allsworth-Jones

by Phillip Allsworth-Jones

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Frameworks for <strong>Caribbean</strong> <strong>Pre</strong>history / 39<br />

ley of Hispaniola (which Maggiolo agrees did take place) was essentially “the<br />

product of socio- economic development,” in which the exploitation of the<br />

freshwater turtle may have played a special role (Veloz Maggiolo 1979:55–56).<br />

Without naming names, but surely with Rouse in mind, the editor of Volume<br />

1 of the UNESCO General History of the <strong>Caribbean</strong>, J. Sued- Badillo, complained<br />

that archaeologists had “failed to articulate regionally intelligible nomenclatures.”<br />

The “identities” that have been created, such as Saladoid <strong>and</strong><br />

Ostionoid, since they are derived from pottery, in his opinion are “dehumanized.”<br />

“They conflict with the historical documentation <strong>and</strong> even with common<br />

sense” ( Sued- Badillo 2003:3, 259). In that vein, P. Hulme, reviewing a<br />

book by F. Moscoso, one of the contributors to the UNESCO volume, had already<br />

voiced the claim that the “lengthy dominance of the Yale account” had<br />

“stultified <strong>Caribbean</strong> studies” (Hulme 1988).<br />

L. A. Curet, in his summary of the situation (2004), agreed that, in part because<br />

of the dominance of the Rouse scheme, the <strong>Caribbean</strong> had become “one<br />

of the backwaters of modern archaeology.” It had, for example, virtually missed<br />

out on the discussion of isl<strong>and</strong> archaeology as such that occupied archaeologists<br />

in other areas in the 1970s <strong>and</strong> 1980s. He specifically did not suggest that<br />

Rouse’s chronological model should be “completely discarded,” but he emphasized<br />

its limitations when dealing with issues “other than migration <strong>and</strong> cultural<br />

sequences.” There were other levels of analysis that needed to be taken<br />

into account, such as individuals, households, kinship groups, <strong>and</strong> communities.<br />

The scheme could not deal with that, nor was Rouse’s assumption that his<br />

units were necessarily homogeneous at all justified. Above all (as the New Archaeologists<br />

would certainly have said) his classificatory system had “no explanatory<br />

potential.”<br />

By far the most sustained attack on Rouse’s scheme has however been mounted<br />

by W. F. Keegan. The first phase of this attack was contained in three review articles<br />

on “West Indian Archaeology” published in the Journal of Archaeological<br />

Research <strong>and</strong> in a paper he presented to IACA in 1999 (Keegan 1994, 1996,<br />

2000, 2001). The main points arising from these articles may be summarized<br />

as follows.<br />

1. The lines drawn in Rouse’s charts are not as reliable as they appear. Insofar<br />

as they rest on radiocarbon dates, they do not take account of calibration.<br />

The tendency is for calibrated dates in the period between the first<br />

<strong>and</strong> fifteenth centuries a.d. to be somewhat younger than their uncalibrated<br />

counterparts. The effect of taking account of calibration would not

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