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Introduction 9<br />

strengthening the anti-Communist world when the <strong>de</strong>ep animosities that it created<br />

within the Six worked in the opposite direction. Further research should assess<br />

whether the mo<strong>de</strong>st results for the Germans – both in terms <strong>of</strong> changing the EEC’s<br />

behaviour towards Spain and in terms <strong>of</strong> Spanish help in isolating the GDR – were<br />

worth the risk <strong>of</strong> increasing intra-EEC divisions on fundamental issues.<br />

Today, many observers in the European Union remain uneasy about Turkey’s<br />

bid for membership. This is largely because <strong>of</strong> a fundamental issue – Turkey’s<br />

weak <strong>de</strong>mocratic cre<strong>de</strong>ntials and human rights record. Without entering into a discussion<br />

<strong>of</strong> the nature <strong>of</strong> Turkish <strong>de</strong>mocracy, Ziya Önis presents an interesting<br />

working hypothesis. Had Turkey not been so insistent on full membership, its relations<br />

with the Community “would have evolved in a fairly straight-forward and<br />

non-problematic manner”. This hypothesis gives paramount importance to the preferred<br />

institutional option pursued by individual governments with respect to the<br />

Community. In all the countries represented in this volume there was a fundamental<br />

<strong>de</strong>bate about this matter, and part <strong>of</strong> the success or failure <strong>of</strong> these countries’ stories,<br />

in their relations with the Community, relate in one way or another to the kind<br />

<strong>of</strong> institutional option chosen. Until 1974 Turkish political elites felt “no fundamental<br />

discrepancy” between their expectations and the actual progress ma<strong>de</strong> – in<br />

line with the 1963 association agreement reached between Turkey and the EEC – in<br />

relation to the Community. It was both the Turkish intervention in Cyprus in July<br />

1974 and concerns regarding the rapid opening <strong>of</strong> the domestic market which<br />

caused what effectively was Turkey’s self-exclusion from the path leading to the<br />

Community. The military take-over <strong>of</strong> September 1980 and the “limitations” or<br />

“restrictive nature” <strong>of</strong> Turkish <strong>de</strong>mocracy ever since led in turn to a policy <strong>of</strong> active<br />

exclusion by the European Community itself. The Community’s Mediterranean enlargement<br />

<strong>of</strong> the 1980s and the process <strong>of</strong> enlargement towards the East a <strong>de</strong>ca<strong>de</strong><br />

later have increased the sense both <strong>of</strong> isolation and unfair treatment felt by the<br />

Turkish political elite in their relations with the European Union. The six analyses<br />

in this volume are part <strong>of</strong> an attempt to produce a set <strong>of</strong> reliable studies <strong>of</strong> the individual<br />

experiences <strong>of</strong> nations and their particular interest or disinterest in EC membership.<br />

The next stage, a result <strong>of</strong> being able to draw on such a rich repository <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>de</strong>tailed historical accounts, will make it markedly easier to obtain a more balanced<br />

comparative perspective. Other peripherals are still missing from the overall picture<br />

and much more needs to be done concerning the countries analysed here. Nonetheless,<br />

this volume constitutes an important step in the right direction. I am convinced<br />

that the 13 th issue <strong>of</strong> the JEIH will become a reference work, due both to the quality<br />

<strong>of</strong> each individual article and to the coherence <strong>of</strong> the collection as a whole.<br />

Fernando Guiaro<br />

Jean Monnet Pr<strong>of</strong>essor <strong>of</strong> History<br />

Universitat Pompeu Fabra<br />

Barcelona

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