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78<br />

Hans-Otto Frøland<br />

Defence <strong>of</strong> sovereignty and fear <strong>of</strong> losing national i<strong>de</strong>ntity were still main issues in<br />

the <strong>de</strong>bates on Community membership, and the legislature did not introduce a<br />

constitutional warrant for a limited cession <strong>of</strong> sovereignty until 1962. However, the<br />

public <strong>de</strong>bates concerning possible membership were still dominated by utilitarian<br />

consi<strong>de</strong>rations more than by i<strong>de</strong>alistic visions <strong>of</strong> the nation-State. Arguments about<br />

national sovereignty were secondary to socio-political and socio-economic interests,<br />

in particular the <strong>de</strong>fence <strong>of</strong> the primary economy.<br />

This paper aims to explain the hard-nosed utilitarian consi<strong>de</strong>rations that ma<strong>de</strong><br />

the basis <strong>of</strong> the national choice. It argues that Norway remained outsi<strong>de</strong> the EC because<br />

membership threatened the domestic political economy that had been sustained<br />

ever since 1948. By political economy is meant the set <strong>of</strong> agreements across<br />

all sectors <strong>of</strong> the national economy that had been reached co-operatively by representatives<br />

<strong>of</strong> both the economic interest groups and the State, which involved intense<br />

State intervention and which was believed to constitute the keystone <strong>of</strong> the<br />

country's socio-political stability.<br />

The first section puts this thesis in the historiographical context <strong>of</strong> Norway's European<br />

<strong>integration</strong> policy. The second section outlines in more <strong>de</strong>tail the foundations<br />

<strong>of</strong> Norway's political economy as well as its character until the Treaties <strong>of</strong><br />

Rome were established. The constraints the political economy imposed on the form<br />

<strong>of</strong> attachment to the Community are illustrated in the third section, which provi<strong>de</strong>s<br />

evi<strong>de</strong>nce <strong>of</strong> how the Norwegian polity perceived the challenge <strong>of</strong> the Community.<br />

The fourth section outlines the bargaining policy <strong>de</strong>veloped when applying for access<br />

negotiations with the Community. The paper conclu<strong>de</strong>s that European Free<br />

Tra<strong>de</strong> Association (EFTA) membership rather than EC membership became the<br />

<strong>de</strong>sirable policy option, as it would allow keeping the country's political economy<br />

unaltered. When the perception <strong>of</strong> the Community as a challenge diminished in urgency,<br />

being peripheral vis-à-vis the Six was not regar<strong>de</strong>d to be <strong>de</strong>trimental. In the<br />

closing section, I therefore explain why the Labour government <strong>de</strong>fen<strong>de</strong>d the<br />

accession treaty before the 1972 referendum on Community membership.<br />

I. Norway and European Integration: the Patterns <strong>of</strong> Historiography<br />

Within the body <strong>of</strong> published works covering the <strong>history</strong> <strong>of</strong> Norway's relation to the<br />

Western European <strong>integration</strong> process between 1948 and 1973 three non-excluding<br />

perspectives may be i<strong>de</strong>ntified. These can be labelled, in short, geopolitical challenges,<br />

domestic constraints and economic mo<strong>de</strong>rnisation.<br />

An aca<strong>de</strong>mic interest in Norway's relationship to European <strong>integration</strong> did not<br />

emerge until after the first application for negotiations on EEC membership in<br />

1962. Those interested in the topic were scholars and advisors close to the Labour<br />

government. 3 Their point <strong>of</strong> <strong>de</strong>parture was the study <strong>of</strong> the Cold War and its <strong>de</strong>riving<br />

tensions, and within this framework they analysed Norway's European positioning<br />

as part <strong>of</strong> the country's foreign and security policies. 4 As a small State,

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