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132<br />

The social and economic <strong>de</strong>cline <strong>of</strong> the sector in the twentieth century was prompting the<br />

powerful agricultural interest groups to play this game. The slow reconstruction <strong>of</strong> the agricultural<br />

production, coupled with romantic i<strong>de</strong>as attached to the sector and the way <strong>of</strong> life in<br />

societies where industrial production was taking over, mobilised agricultural elites to try to<br />

persua<strong>de</strong> governments that the sector’s position was less favourable than that <strong>of</strong> other sectors.<br />

That was why the agricultural sector could retain the ‘special position’ that it had had<br />

nationally in the era <strong>of</strong> European <strong>integration</strong>. However, what seems to be lacking in the analysis<br />

<strong>of</strong> the period at this level is the breakdown <strong>of</strong> ‘agricultural interests’. This would allow<br />

a distinction between what arguments were political arguments produced by agricultural<br />

politicians in or<strong>de</strong>r to retain their dominant political positions, and what arguments were<br />

groun<strong>de</strong>d on ‘real’ economic and social problems the sector was facing. One example <strong>of</strong> this<br />

is the fear <strong>of</strong> a turbulent world market from which European agriculture had to be protected<br />

– promoted for instance by the French government during the Green Pool negotiations – and<br />

also later, outsi<strong>de</strong> the realm <strong>of</strong> this book, in the EEC. In reality, however, it is doubtful that<br />

all French farmers were harmed by fluctuating prices at the world markets as much as by the<br />

fear <strong>of</strong> a return to the crisis situation <strong>of</strong> the early thirties, as well as bad planning <strong>of</strong> the production<br />

and tra<strong>de</strong> barriers by the government. Moreover, statistics <strong>of</strong> the period will show<br />

that agricultural prices on the world market did not fluctuate all that much in that period, and<br />

that the terms <strong>of</strong> tra<strong>de</strong> <strong>of</strong> agricultural products on the world market actually increased in the<br />

post-war period (FAO, 1956). Ludwig Erhard in Germany was one contemporary who did<br />

not follow the line <strong>of</strong> argumentation plea<strong>de</strong>d in agricultural circles; that became clear when<br />

he took up the battle against the Deutscher Bauernverband in 1963-64.<br />

The argument <strong>of</strong> the harmful effects <strong>of</strong> the world market nonetheless turned out to be<br />

very powerful politically by maintaining the ‘special position’ <strong>of</strong> agriculture during the<br />

1950s and 1960s, but it was less groun<strong>de</strong>d on realities than in a constructed political perception<br />

<strong>of</strong> the situation. One study which dissects other aspects <strong>of</strong> the rhetorics <strong>of</strong> agricultural<br />

interest groups is ma<strong>de</strong> by the Danish historian An<strong>de</strong>rs Thornvig Sørensen, Et spørgsmål om<br />

suverænitet? Danmark, landbruget og Europa, 1950-53 (Ha<strong>de</strong>rslev, 1998). For a more<br />

extensive view <strong>of</strong> the positions and activities <strong>of</strong> agricultural interest groups in relation to the<br />

initiatives ma<strong>de</strong> at European level, reference should be ma<strong>de</strong> to the work by the Swedish<br />

historian Martin Peterson in his dissertation, International interest organizations and the<br />

transmutation <strong>of</strong> postwar society (Göteborg, 1979); none <strong>of</strong> these works appear to have been<br />

used.<br />

In addition, the absence <strong>of</strong> the much-<strong>de</strong>bated work by the American political scientist<br />

Andrew Moravcsik, in particular his book ‘The Choice for Europe. Social Purposes & State<br />

Power from Messina to Maastricht’ (Cornell, 1998) is puzzling, particularly because it<br />

stresses the importance <strong>of</strong> competing interests at the domestic political scene. This criticism<br />

apart, Thiemeyer presents a fascinating insight into the domestic controversies about agriculture<br />

and European <strong>integration</strong> in the 1950s. At this level, the analysis explains why the<br />

process moved, or did not move, more convincingly than at the superstructural level.<br />

A book which presents a study <strong>of</strong> a central aspect <strong>of</strong> the European <strong>integration</strong> process,<br />

based on extensive archival research in three important countries is, by <strong>de</strong>finition, noteworthy<br />

for the rea<strong>de</strong>rs <strong>of</strong> this Journal. For some rea<strong>de</strong>rs the <strong>de</strong>nsity <strong>of</strong> the text as well as the fact<br />

that it is written in German, could be an obstacle. Not reading it on those grounds would be<br />

a shame, because it is an analysis presented with much skill and carefulness.<br />

Ann-Christina LAURING KNUDSEN<br />

External Lecturer<br />

Center for European Cultural Studies, University <strong>of</strong> Aarhus

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