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112<br />

Ziya Önis<br />

By the late 1970s, however, a certain change <strong>of</strong> position could be discerned on<br />

the Turkish si<strong>de</strong>. There was growing concern in Turkey once Greece’s early accession<br />

to the Community became a serious possibility. Those concerns were further<br />

intensified as Spain and Portugal also emerged as serious conten<strong>de</strong>rs for inclusion<br />

in the Community after shedding <strong>of</strong>f their authoritarian past. 10 The i<strong>de</strong>a <strong>of</strong> applying<br />

for full-membership gained increasing support in Turkey. Growing domestic political<br />

and economic instability, however, <strong>de</strong>layed the application process with the Islamist<br />

element in the ruling coalition government, the National Salvation Party,<br />

representing a significant obstacle in this context. Finally, the collapse <strong>of</strong> the <strong>de</strong>mocratic<br />

regime in Turkey following the military take-over <strong>of</strong> September 1980 put an<br />

end to any chance <strong>of</strong> possible full-membership in the foreseeable future. 11<br />

Hence, one line <strong>of</strong> interpretation, which emerges from this comparative account,<br />

is that, Turkey, through its failure to apply for full-membership at the same<br />

time as Greece, missed a major opportunity. In other words, Turkey’s exclusion<br />

from the Community at the time <strong>of</strong> its “southern enlargement” constituted a case <strong>of</strong><br />

self-exclusion as opposed to exclusion by the Community itself. There is a certain<br />

element <strong>of</strong> truth in the conjecture that domestic political weaknesses and inaction<br />

on Turkey’s part resulted in its exclusion during the second phase <strong>of</strong> EC enlargement<br />

beyond its natural core. But, at the same time, it is not unambiguously clear<br />

that an early application on Turkey’s part would have resulted in an equally smooth<br />

and non-problematic accession as in the case <strong>of</strong> Greece, Portugal and Spain. Given<br />

Turkey’s size, the i<strong>de</strong>ntity issues involved and, on top <strong>of</strong> this, the negative reception<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Cyprus intervention in the West, it is very doubtful that an early application<br />

for Turkey would have created an equally favourable response in the Turkish case,<br />

as it has been the case for the three southern Mediterranean entrants.<br />

IV. Turkey's Encounters with the New Europe in the Post-1980 Era<br />

and the Customs Union<br />

The post-1980 era represents a period <strong>of</strong> radical transformation for both Turkey and<br />

the European Community with rather striking implications for their subsequent<br />

relations. In the Turkish case, the principal change was in the economic sphere. The<br />

heavily protected and inward-oriented economy <strong>of</strong> the 1960s and the 1970s was<br />

steadily transformed in the direction <strong>of</strong> a far more open and outward-oriented econ-<br />

10. On the Mediterranean enlargement <strong>of</strong> the Community involving Spain and Portugal see L. TSOU-<br />

KALIS, The European Community, op.cit., R. BIDELEUX and R. TAYLOR (eds.), European Integration<br />

and Dis<strong>integration</strong>: East and West, London, 1996, and C. PRESTON, Enlargement and<br />

Integration in the European Union, London, 1997.<br />

11. For a full documentation <strong>of</strong> this process see I. TEKELI and S. ILKIN, Türkiye ve Avrupa Toplulug˘u,<br />

op.cit., vol.1.

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