The cultural context of biodiversity conservation - Oapen

Local expressions of indigenous knowledge
After a period of one to four weeks, the clearing is followed by the burning of the remaining
vegetation. For this process, called quema (*k'atok), which takes place between
April and May, the farmers choose a less sunny day, preferably after the first rains. In
order to prevent the fire spreading uncontrolled to the forest environment, firebreaks
of 1.5 to 2 metres are cleared around the fields and close attention is paid to the wind
direction. As it affords a lot of caution, this work requires the additional assistance of
family members, friends and neighbours. The informal labour exchange, involving ten
to thirty people, is a common institution within the communities and the members of
the village proceed from one swidden plot to the next until all have been cleared.
When clearing the fields for cultivation, branches and brush are left on the ground
and burned, providing the soil with nitrogen and carbon-rich ash. 8
Two days after the burning, the farmers begin to sow the kernels so that the land
does not get ›cold‹, as one informant explained. 9 The seeds are selected about four
days before the siembra (*awk) or seeding. Usually the farmers use their own seeds
saved from the previous harvest. The seeding is also carried out collectively by around
ten people, the owner of the field being assisted by his children and neighbours following
a rotational system. Each person plants between one and two tareas using a
wooden digging stick to make holes for the seeds. They sow in a straight line, placing
three to five maize seeds in every hole. In general, one man can sow up to three tareas
per day. Fifteen days after the sowing, the first weeding takes place. The so called limpia
(*aq'ink) is done by machete and followed by a second weeding when the plants
have reached a quarter of their final height. During the second limpia, we observed the
widespread application of chemical herbicides used by the farmers to exterminate undesirable,
aggressive weeds known as chak'ra which were said to extract nutrients from
the soil. Products such as Gramoxone or Edonal are used, although the farmers of both
communities consider them to be inappropriate and are aware of the negative sideeffect
of dried soils that impair the productive potential of their lands. The positive effect
of using herbicides is that the work to clear the fields is less tiring. 10
8 A thorough description of the particular steps has been provided by Carter (1969) who followed an
ethnoecological approach to document the milpa cycle as practised by Q'eqchi' farmers in the eastern
lowlands of Alta Verapaz. His case study on economic modes provides detailed data and exact
measures on site selection and clearing techniques, types of soils and vegetation, labour input, yields,
average production per household, etc. He identified specific plant indicators for the selection of a
milpa site and revealed that plant cover is classified more by size and density of growth than by specific
associations of particular species. For another comprehensive and detailed ethnoecological case
study undertaken in Q'eqchi' villages in Alta Verapaz, consider the work of Secaira (1992).
9 The metaphors of hot and cold form a framework of meanings in everyday knowledge throughout
Mesoamerica. The dichotomous categories refer not only to soils but also to plants, food items and
even conditions of the human body, illnesses and medicines. In this knowledge system, hot and cold
are not seen as transitory thermal states but rather express intrinsic qualities of each object or element
(Nygren 1999: 284). For the hot and cold distinction among the Q'eqchi', see Wilson (1995:
132ff.). A case study concerned particularly with these categories from Tzeltal Maya communities in
the Chiapas Highlands has been provided by Maffi (1999).
10 In March 2003, farmers paid 50 Quetzales for 1 litre of Gramoxone, which was said to be sufficient
for about 1 manzana (0.7 ha).
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