The cultural context of biodiversity conservation - Oapen

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The cultural context of biodiversity conservation
This way of conceiving their relations with nature makes the Q'eqchi'es appear as active and decisive
actors while the natural surroundings are symbolically transformed into a reactive counterpart that can
be trusted and dealt with. The image which the Q'eqchi'es have constructed of the Tzuultaq'a allows
them to ›solve‹ their dependency on the arbitrary natural surroundings in a symbolic way: they convert
nature into something that depends on them rather than the other way around, i.e. on their compliance
with the contract they have with the Tzuultaq'a (1996: 154).
In my conversations with informants, the forested and mountainous areas have been
described as central points of reference, providing the Q'eqchi' with a sense of security,
orientation and identification. Villagers referred to the mature forest in general by using
the Spanish term montaña, which literally means mountain, just as they talked of
other elements of nature in terms of tierra (land) or mundo (world) rather than by using
the word naturaleza (nature). As in the case of many indigenous cultures, there is no
term in any Mayan language that corresponds directly to our notion of ›nature‹ or ›environment‹
(Nigh 2002: 455f.). The land is the base of all cultural values and all relational
dimensions of human life. It is the foundation of subsistence, social organisation
within the family and the community and the relationship with God. Youth and
elders, men and women, would all often highlight the importance of the forest as a
source of water, animals and fertility.
A concern frequently referred to in both study areas pertained to the diminishing
forest cover. Many farmers expressed their awareness of the ongoing deforestation
and agreed about the need to halt this process. Repeatedly, informants made associations
with observed climate changes. In the highlands, an elder man had observed that
the climate had altered during the past decades: »The climate has changed due to the clearing
of the forests. Nowadays it's perceptibly warmer than in former times« (field notes, 2002). Several
farmers accentuated their willingness to maintain parts of their parcels as forests for
future generations. A younger informant in San Benito, who stressed that he did not
believe in the ›customs‹, expressed his wish to conserve the integrity of the forest: »I
don't like to cut the trees as they will serve my children. For this, I prefer to plant new ones so that the
forest remains for them.« In general, la montaña is seen as source of life, water, health and
well-being. When talking about the significance of the forest for her community, a
woman in Xucaneb explained: »El bosque sirve para sombrar nuestra vida, para el agua. Si no
hay bosque, no hay vida.« In her view, the forest serves to shade humans' lives. It is also
essential for the supply of water. If there is no forest, there is no life (field notes, 2001).
Beliefs associated with mountains and forests may grant protection of a wide
range of species of animals and plants. Practices such as rituals intended to maintain
sanctuaries can work to preserve biological integrity. In many cases, taboos apply to
such particularly vulnerable sets of natural resources. Breaking a taboo can result in
sanctions such as illness, loss of crops or drought. These regulations may be interpreted
as social mechanisms for local conservation practices. In the Mayan worldview,
trees play an important role. According to the ancient belief, cosmic trees grow on
each of the four corners and in the centre of the world, sustaining the heavens. The