The cultural context of biodiversity conservation - Oapen
The cultural context of biodiversity conservation - Oapen
The cultural context of biodiversity conservation - Oapen
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184<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>cultural</strong> <strong>context</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>biodiversity</strong> <strong>conservation</strong><br />
›right‹ way. Ethics and cosmology are inextricable indissoluble« (1993: 178). Following<br />
this understanding, an important role <strong>of</strong> rituals is to symbolically restore and maintain<br />
the cosmic order or the ›order <strong>of</strong> life‹. At the same time, rituals can be seen as what<br />
Berkes et al. describe as »mechanisms for <strong>cultural</strong> internalization« (2000: 1256).<br />
Knowledge and social institutions require such mechanisms, so that learning can be<br />
encoded and remembered by the group. Rituals, which are a visible cornerstone <strong>of</strong><br />
Mayan spirituality and express the reciprocal relationship that the peasants try to<br />
maintain with nature, help the people remember the values and rules <strong>of</strong> their society.<br />
Among the Q'eqchi', rituals mark significant points in the cultivation cycle. Foremost,<br />
agrarian rituals practised at the time <strong>of</strong> site selection, slashing, sowing, weeding and<br />
harvesting are integral to the interaction between humans and the natural world.<br />
<strong>The</strong>se expressions <strong>of</strong> the indigenous cosmovision are also interlinked with other subsistence<br />
activities. Through rituals, which are inseparable from everyday knowledge <strong>of</strong><br />
fertility and health, the social, economic, spiritual and cosmological spheres <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Q'eqchi' are intimately related. In the following, the focus will centre on agrarian rituals.<br />
In addition, there are numerous other rituals practised at particular occasions such as<br />
birth, marriage and death. <strong>The</strong>re are healing rituals and rituals performed at festive occasions<br />
<strong>of</strong> religious significance such as the local patron saints' days. Further specific<br />
ceremonies are carried out, for instance, to inaugurate a new construction or when<br />
droughts or floods threaten the milpas. <strong>The</strong> »exchange <strong>of</strong> spiritual food« between humans<br />
and spirits, as Dudley and Balée (2005: 621) have termed the principle <strong>of</strong> reciprocity,<br />
becomes obvious in the agrarian rituals practised among the Q'eqchi', as will be<br />
shown in the following. 51<br />
5.2.3 Ritual practice<br />
Each culture has its own core symbols. (Wilson 1990: 41)<br />
Certain phases <strong>of</strong> the cultivation cycle pertaining to site selection, slashing and burning,<br />
planting, weeding, clearing and harvesting are accompanied by particular ceremonies.<br />
<strong>The</strong> central ritual in this <strong>context</strong>, the so-called *mayejak, is a ceremonial expression<br />
<strong>of</strong> particular importance within the realm <strong>of</strong> customary practices. It is directed at<br />
the earth deity *tzuul taq'a, which has been defined by Wilson (1995: 53) as a »core image«<br />
<strong>of</strong> the Q'eqchi' culture. 52 <strong>The</strong> mayejak forms a central part <strong>of</strong> a shared system <strong>of</strong><br />
community worship. It is an obligation that needs to be fulfilled in order to ensure a<br />
51 For writings dealing with ritual practice, see the studies by Wilson (1995), Parra Novo (1997) and<br />
Cabarrús (1998). For a general account dealing with ritual knowledge, see Jennings (2003). <strong>The</strong><br />
study Ritual and Religion in the Making <strong>of</strong> Humanity by Rappaport (1999) is also to be emphasised here.<br />
52 In the literature, the term mayejak is commonly translated as ›sacrifice‹ or ›<strong>of</strong>fering‹. Literally, tzuul<br />
means mountain, taq'a means valley. <strong>The</strong> term tzuul taq'a exemplifies a phenomenon that Cajete<br />
(2001) described when referring to indigenous languages that are replete with environmentally derived<br />
references based on the kind <strong>of</strong> natural characteristics and experiences people have had living<br />
in close relationship with their landscape.