The cultural context of biodiversity conservation - Oapen
The cultural context of biodiversity conservation - Oapen
The cultural context of biodiversity conservation - Oapen
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Local expressions <strong>of</strong> indigenous knowledge<br />
5.3.1 <strong>The</strong> dynamics <strong>of</strong> knowledge production<br />
[T]he new cannot emerge from imitation, but it can draw on the traditions – a form <strong>of</strong> holding the environment<br />
– that provide gifts to those who follow them. (Weber Nicholsen 2002: 198)<br />
In general terms, the farmers we worked with have generated sizable understandings<br />
<strong>of</strong> the habitat and growth requirements <strong>of</strong> many species, seasonal crops and their<br />
compatibility with other species. <strong>The</strong>y relate this knowledge to the climatic constraints,<br />
soil conditions and other site characteristics <strong>of</strong> the land they farm. <strong>The</strong><br />
knowledge has been generated through experimental learning and is passed on<br />
through generations, in family and village traditions. Although there is corporate<br />
knowledge shared by a majority <strong>of</strong> the communities, a considerable part is asymmetrically<br />
distributed and only held by sections <strong>of</strong> the population according to gender, age,<br />
specialisation and experience. 68 People have areas <strong>of</strong> particular expertise, and we were<br />
<strong>of</strong>ten confronted with varying notions within and between different villages. As<br />
aforementioned, indigenous knowledge is the result <strong>of</strong> a continuous process <strong>of</strong> generation,<br />
transmission and adaptation to changing conditions. Being constantly modified<br />
by the peasants, it is a dynamic entity permanently re-negotiated between the<br />
people and their environment. Despite past and contemporary influences that increasingly<br />
undermine local resource use patterns, there remain a great variety <strong>of</strong> customary<br />
practices that contribute to community-based <strong>conservation</strong> efforts. Although nontraditional<br />
economic modes have been imposed and integrated, these are <strong>of</strong>ten modified<br />
to adhere with customary practices and priorities. Traditional forms <strong>of</strong> land use<br />
remain in practice and are always seen as preferable by the farmers.<br />
However, the study revealed clear evidence for ongoing <strong>cultural</strong> change among the<br />
communities in both study areas. This transformative process affects different realms<br />
<strong>of</strong> the peasants' lives. Most obviously, the transformation <strong>of</strong> adaptive capacities in the<br />
field <strong>of</strong> agri<strong>cultural</strong> production occurs in the frame <strong>of</strong> an overall acculturation process<br />
through the modernisation <strong>of</strong> farming practices and incorporation into a market<br />
economy. Due to the increased use <strong>of</strong> chemical products such as fertilisers and pesticides<br />
following upon land use intensification and monocropping, traditional techniques<br />
to maintain soil fertility or to avoid plant diseases have been widely replaced.<br />
Situated knowledge and universal technologies increasingly mingle. This observation<br />
also applies to knowledge on plants used for medicinal purpose. Gómez and Pacay<br />
Caal (2003) briefly comment on this issue as follows:<br />
68 As the study concentrated foremost on farming knowledge, gender issues were not a question <strong>of</strong><br />
primary interest. For this, consider the accounts compiled by Dary (2002), which deal with the topic<br />
<strong>of</strong> gender and <strong>biodiversity</strong> <strong>conservation</strong> in indigenous communities <strong>of</strong> Guatemala and other Central<br />
American countries.<br />
199