Twenty-eighth Report Adapting Institutions to Climate Change Cm ...
Twenty-eighth Report Adapting Institutions to Climate Change Cm ...
Twenty-eighth Report Adapting Institutions to Climate Change Cm ...
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4.25<br />
4.26<br />
4.27<br />
Another way of considering the problem is <strong>to</strong> ask what is required <strong>to</strong> build flexibility in<strong>to</strong> policy<br />
outcomes over the longer timescales that adaptation <strong>to</strong> climate change may demand. In other<br />
words, is it possible <strong>to</strong> avoid lock-in <strong>to</strong> actions over long time frames? The Thames Estuary 2100<br />
project (Box 3E) is one example of a decision process that has sought <strong>to</strong> prioritise flexibility <strong>to</strong><br />
encourage short-term engagement within the context of a long-term but inherently flexible plan of<br />
action. Such an approach may not be suitable in every case, but it shows what can be done when<br />
the stakes are considered <strong>to</strong> be sufficiently high.<br />
Given the local characteristics of adaptation <strong>to</strong> climate change, the most important policy <strong>to</strong>ol is<br />
the planning system, which typically considers change and impacts over 20-30-year periods. In<br />
theory, planning policy is sufficiently flexible <strong>to</strong> build climate change adaptation in<strong>to</strong> development<br />
planning. However, we heard concerns that most local authorities place transport and housing<br />
priorities higher on the agenda than climate change. The aim should be <strong>to</strong> create processes which<br />
are responsive and sustainable under changing climatic conditions, but planners cautioned against<br />
making adaptation <strong>to</strong> climate change more important than other considerations. Instead, planners<br />
we heard from thought that there was a need for adaptive capacity <strong>to</strong> become a routine consideration<br />
within, not additional <strong>to</strong>, other key non-climate policy areas. 9<br />
Infrastructure lock-in, which can result in stranded assets and reduce an organisation’s ability<br />
<strong>to</strong> respond flexibly <strong>to</strong> changing climate, is another example of path dependency. In the Anglian<br />
region, the Commission heard from Anglian Water about how they are trying <strong>to</strong> reduce the<br />
danger of infrastructure lock-in by moving away from large pumps controlling water over larger<br />
areas <strong>to</strong> more, but smaller, local pumps controlling smaller catchments, creating a modular<br />
approach which enhances their ability <strong>to</strong> deal with unpredictable flooding and reduces the impact<br />
of localised power cuts.<br />
EQUITY AND EFFICIENCY<br />
4.28 The fourth challenge is managing potential tensions between equity and efficiency. ‘Equity’<br />
has many (often contending) definitions but broadly refers <strong>to</strong> perceptions of fairness between<br />
different people. Efficiency is the relationship between objectives (outputs) and the resources<br />
used <strong>to</strong> achieve them (inputs). Efficiency improves when the achievement of a given objective uses<br />
fewer resources than previously, and this is central <strong>to</strong> many organisations’ objectives. Least-cost<br />
(efficient) outcomes may be inequitable because the efficiency calculation does not consider the<br />
distribution of costs and benefits of the outcome <strong>to</strong> different parties. The emphasis placed on<br />
these will vary from institution <strong>to</strong> institution, and indeed from person <strong>to</strong> person, depending on<br />
their values, objectives and priorities.<br />
Equity<br />
4.29 The Commission received a considerable body of evidence on the importance of involving<br />
stakeholders – in particular, local communities – in developing adaptation responses and ensuring<br />
that issues of both distributional and governance equity are taken in<strong>to</strong> consideration. In the cases<br />
of the Manhood Peninsula in West Sussex10 and the village of Happisburgh in Norfolk, 11 both<br />
of which are areas facing increasing coastal erosion driven at least in part by climate change, the<br />
distributional effects of abandoning coastal defences were not considered sufficiently, and the<br />
proposed abandonment of the defences led <strong>to</strong> major difficulties in implementing changes, and a<br />
deep feeling of unfairness in the affected communities. Fairness has many dimensions, and whilst<br />
distributional issues loom large, processes of decision making that are perceived <strong>to</strong> be fair by those<br />
affected (listening <strong>to</strong> and taking proper account of their concerns, for example) are also a crucial<br />
part of adaptation <strong>to</strong> climate change. We return <strong>to</strong> this below.<br />
71<br />
Chapter 4