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Twenty-eighth Report Adapting Institutions to Climate Change Cm ...

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Chapter 4<br />

BOX 4E THE EXMOOR MIRE RESTORATION PROJECT 35<br />

Exmoor was draining heavily following the digging of drainage ditches (known as grips) in<br />

the 20th century. Draining changed the moorland habitat, damaging biodiversity, and allowed<br />

water <strong>to</strong> flow off the moors faster than before, leading <strong>to</strong> rapid rises in river levels in times of<br />

heavy rain. The solution was <strong>to</strong> block these drainage channels, which has reduced the flooding<br />

problems, improved biodiversity management and had the additional benefit for the relevant<br />

water company (South West Water) that Exmoor is now acting as a water s<strong>to</strong>re that regulates<br />

flow throughout the year. Another benefit for the water company of reduced flooding is that<br />

there is less need <strong>to</strong> purify water that is carrying agricultural run-off or sediment. Here, as<br />

elsewhere, it will be important <strong>to</strong> moni<strong>to</strong>r progress <strong>to</strong> be sure that such ongoing benefits do<br />

indeed flow from the project.<br />

Enabling mechanisms for adaptation goals<br />

4.75 One of the main constraints on adaptation is the absence of enabling mechanisms. A simple<br />

example given <strong>to</strong> the Commission involved another tree-planting scheme, this time in Wharfedale,<br />

which could manage flood risk if 5% of the catchment was planted with trees but only if trees were<br />

planted in very specific areas of the catchment. There is at present no mechanism by which such a<br />

scheme could be made <strong>to</strong> happen other than by obtaining agreement from all relevant landowners.<br />

Nature conservation provides a more subtle example, because mechanisms <strong>to</strong> designate sites for<br />

species that are likely <strong>to</strong> arrive as the climate changes (i.e. providing nature reserves for species<br />

that are not there yet, or a ‘space for nature’) do not currently exist. Compulsory purchase powers,<br />

which could theoretically play a role in both these cases, are normally used for the purpose of<br />

building developments rather than for soft engineering or green infrastructure.<br />

4.76<br />

Schedule 1 of the Flood and Water Management Bill will allow for the designation of structures or<br />

other features which may affect flooding or coastal erosion risk and will prohibit their alteration<br />

without the consent of the responsible authority. Similarly, the approach <strong>to</strong> ‘risk management’ in<br />

this Bill would allow for increased probability of flooding in one place <strong>to</strong> reduce the probability<br />

of flooding in another (Clause 3(2)).<br />

4.77 The planning system provides, as discussed in Chapter 3 (3.29-3.44), a potentially powerful institutional<br />

structure for adaptation <strong>to</strong> climate change. But whilst the planning system has the final<br />

say as <strong>to</strong> whether a proposed development goes ahead, and can even seek <strong>to</strong> encourage particular<br />

forms of development through development planning, it cannot compel positive action (as in the<br />

example of Wharfedale above). In this sense, the planning system is in the main ‘enabling’ and<br />

‘permissive’, and has limited scope <strong>to</strong> promote new schemes or <strong>to</strong> enable adaptation of the existing<br />

built environment. Although development planning, with its emphasis on sustainable development,<br />

is a material consideration in development control decisions, the demand for positive action must<br />

largely come from elsewhere.<br />

4.78<br />

Central Government enjoys considerable power in the planning system (through control of policy<br />

and nationally significant infrastructure, the calling-in of controversial decisions, decisions on<br />

appeal, etc.), but the planning system is characterised by significant discretion, and final decisions<br />

are in many cases taken by locally-elected politicians. Given the local nature of climate change<br />

impacts, and the capacity of the planning system <strong>to</strong> engage local publics, this is appropriate.<br />

However, all local authorities, regardless of local political imperatives, need <strong>to</strong> address climate<br />

change. A range of mechanisms (policy, statu<strong>to</strong>ry powers and duties, moni<strong>to</strong>ring and reporting)<br />

are in place <strong>to</strong> try <strong>to</strong> ensure that this happens. It is possible <strong>to</strong> move <strong>to</strong> more robust requirements<br />

84

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