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THE STORY OF PHILOSOPHY2 The Lives and Opinions

THE STORY OF PHILOSOPHY2 The Lives and Opinions

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146<br />

<strong>THE</strong> <strong>STORY</strong> <strong>OF</strong> PHILOSOPHY<br />

Most men are at heart individualistic rebels against law 01 custom: the<br />

social instincts are later <strong>and</strong> weaker than the individualistic, <strong>and</strong> need<br />

reinforcement; man is not "good by nature/' as Rousseau was so dis-<br />

astrously to suppose. But through association if even merely in the family,<br />

sympathy comes, a feeling of kind, <strong>and</strong> at last of kindness. We like what<br />

but also one which<br />

is like us ; "we pity not only a thing we have loved,<br />

we judge similar to ourselves"; 123 out of this comes an "imitation of<br />

emotions," 124 <strong>and</strong> finally some degree of conscience. Conscience, however,<br />

is not innate, but acquired; <strong>and</strong> varies with geography. 123 It is the deposit,<br />

in the mind of the growing individual, of the moral traditions of the<br />

group; through it society creates for itself an ally in the heart of .its enemy<br />

the naturally individualistic soul.<br />

Gradually, in this development,<br />

dividual power which obtains in a state of nature, yields in organized<br />

society to the legal <strong>and</strong> moral power of the whole. Might still remains<br />

right; but the might of the whole limits the might of the individual<br />

it comes about that the law of in-<br />

limits it theoretically to his rights, to such exercise of his powers as agrees<br />

with the equal freedom of others. Part of the individual's natural might,<br />

or sovereignty, is h<strong>and</strong>ed over to the organized community, in return for<br />

the enlargement of the sphere of his remaining powers. We ab<strong>and</strong>on, for<br />

example, the right to fly from anger to violence, <strong>and</strong> are freed from the<br />

danger of such violence from others. Law is necessary because men are<br />

subject to passions; if all men were reasonable, law would be superfluous.<br />

<strong>The</strong> perfect law would bear to individuals the same relation which perfect<br />

reason bears to passions : it would be the coordination of conflicting forces<br />

to avoid the ruin <strong>and</strong> increase the power of the whole. Just as, in<br />

metaphysics, reason is the perception of order in things, <strong>and</strong> in ethics<br />

the establishment of order among desires, so in politics<br />

it is the establishment<br />

of order among men. <strong>The</strong> perfect state would limit the powers of<br />

its citizens only as far as these powers were mutually destructive; it would<br />

withdraw no liberty except to add a greater one.<br />

<strong>The</strong> last end of the state is not to dominate men, nor to restrain them by<br />

fear; rather it is so to free each man from fear that he may live <strong>and</strong> act with<br />

full security <strong>and</strong> without injury to himself or his neighbor. <strong>The</strong> end of the<br />

state, I repeat, is not to make rational beings into brute beasts <strong>and</strong> machines.<br />

It is to enable their bodies <strong>and</strong> their minds to function safely. It is to lead<br />

men to live by, <strong>and</strong> to exercise, a free reason; that they may not waste their<br />

strength in hatred, anger <strong>and</strong> guile, nor act unfairly toward one another.<br />

Thus the end of the state is 126<br />

really liberty.<br />

Freedom is the goal of the state because the function of the state is to<br />

promote growth, <strong>and</strong> growth depends on capacity finding freedom. But<br />

^Ethics, III, 22, note. *"Ibid., 27, note i.<br />

I, App. 27. T. T-P., ch. 20.

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