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THE STORY OF PHILOSOPHY2 The Lives and Opinions

THE STORY OF PHILOSOPHY2 The Lives and Opinions

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FRIEDRICH NIETZSCHE 333<br />

intermarriage with the middle classes; how else has the English aristoc^<br />

racy maintained itself? And perhaps inbreeding degenerates? Obviously<br />

there are- many sides to these complex problems, at which Nietzsche has<br />

flung so lustily his Yeas <strong>and</strong> Nays. 117<br />

Hereditary aristocracies do not like<br />

world-unification; they tend to a narrowly nationalistic policy, however<br />

cosmopolitan they may be m conduct; if they ab<strong>and</strong>oned nationalism<br />

they would lose a main source of their power the manipulation of foreign<br />

relations. And perhaps a world-state would not be so beneficial to culture<br />

as Nietzsche thinks; large masses move slowly; <strong>and</strong> Germany probably did<br />

more for culture when she was merely u a geographical expression," with<br />

independent courts rivalling one another in the patronage of art, than<br />

in her days of unity <strong>and</strong> empire <strong>and</strong> expansion; it was not an emperor<br />

who cherished Goethe <strong>and</strong> rescued Wagner.<br />

It is a common delusion that the great periods of culture have been<br />

ages of hereditary aristocracy : on the contrary, the efflorescent periods of<br />

Pericles <strong>and</strong> the Medici <strong>and</strong> Elizabeth <strong>and</strong> the Romantic age were<br />

nourished with the wraith of a rising bourgeoisie; <strong>and</strong> the creative work<br />

in literature <strong>and</strong> art was done not by aristocratic families but by the off-<br />

spring of the middle class; by such men as Socrates, who was the son of<br />

a midwife, <strong>and</strong> Voltaire, who was the son of an attorney, <strong>and</strong> Shakespeare,<br />

who was the son of a butcher. It is ages of movement <strong>and</strong> change that<br />

stimulate cultural creation ; ages in which a new <strong>and</strong> vigorous class is rising<br />

to power <strong>and</strong> pride. And so in politics: it would be suicidal to exclude<br />

from statesmanship such genius as lacked aristocratic pedigree; the better<br />

formula, surely, is a "career open to talent" wherever born; <strong>and</strong> genius<br />

has a way of getting born in the most outl<strong>and</strong>ish places. Let us be ruled<br />

by all the best* An aristocracy is good only if it is a fluent body of mep<br />

whose patent to power lies not in birth but in ability, an aristocracy con-<br />

tinually selected <strong>and</strong> nourished out of a democracy of open <strong>and</strong> equal<br />

opportunity to all<br />

After these deductions (if they must be made), what remains? Enough<br />

to make the critic uncomfortable- Nietzsche has been refuted by every<br />

aspirant to respectability; <strong>and</strong> yet he st<strong>and</strong>s as a milestone in modern<br />

thought, <strong>and</strong> a mountain-peak in German prose. No doubt he was guilty<br />

of a little exaggeration when he predicted that the future would divide<br />

the past into "Before Nietzsche' 1<br />

<strong>and</strong> "After Nieteche"; but he did suc-<br />

ceed in effecting a wholesome critical review of institutions <strong>and</strong> opinions<br />

that for centuries had been taken for granted. It remains that he opened<br />

a new vita into Greek drama <strong>and</strong> philosophy; that he showed at the<br />

outset the seeds of romantic decadence in the music of Wagner; that he<br />

analysed our human nature with a subtlety as sharp as a surgeon's knife,<br />

<strong>and</strong> perliaps as salutary; that he laid bare some hidden roots of morality<br />

tttl *In my youth," aays Nietzsche somewhere. **I flung at the worid with Yea *ad<br />

Nay; now in my old age X do penance for &lf

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