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THE STORY OF PHILOSOPHY2 The Lives and Opinions

THE STORY OF PHILOSOPHY2 The Lives and Opinions

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288 <strong>THE</strong> <strong>STORY</strong> <strong>OF</strong> PHILOSOPHY<br />

form <strong>and</strong> under Its civil form, there has been less progress in sentiment <strong>and</strong><br />

idea towards that form of ownership by others which socialism implies. 66<br />

As this passage indicates, Spencer believes that socialism is a derivative<br />

of the militant <strong>and</strong> feudal type of state, <strong>and</strong> has no natural affiliation with<br />

industry. Like militarism, socialism involves the development of centralization,<br />

the extension of governmental power, the decay of initiative, <strong>and</strong><br />

the subordination of the individual. "Well may Prince Bismarck display<br />

leanings towards State Socialism."67 "It is the law of all organization that<br />

68<br />

as it becomes complete it becomes rigid."<br />

Socialism would be in in-<br />

dustry what a rigid instinctive equipment is in animals; it would produce<br />

a community of human ants <strong>and</strong> bees, <strong>and</strong> would issue in a slavery far<br />

more monotonous <strong>and</strong> hopeless than the present condition of affairs.<br />

Under the compulsory<br />

arbitration which socialism would necessitate,<br />

. . . the regulators, pursuing their personal interests, . . . would not be<br />

met by the combined resistance of all workers; <strong>and</strong> their power, unchecked<br />

as now by refusals to work save on prescribed terms, would grow <strong>and</strong> ramify<br />

<strong>and</strong> consolidate until it became irresistible. . . . When from regulation of<br />

the workers by the bureaucracy we turn to the bureaucracy itself, <strong>and</strong> ask<br />

how it is to be regulated, there is no satisfactory answer. . . . Under such<br />

conditions there must arise a new aristocracy, for the support of which<br />

the masses would toil; <strong>and</strong> which, being consolidated, would wield a power<br />

far beyond that of any past aristocracy. 69<br />

Economic relationships are so different from political relationships,<br />

<strong>and</strong> so much more complex, that no government could regulate them all<br />

without such an enslaving bureaucracy. State interference always neglects<br />

some factor of the intricate industrial situation, <strong>and</strong> has failed whenever<br />

tried; note the wage-fixing laws of medieval Engl<strong>and</strong>, <strong>and</strong> the pricefixing<br />

laws of Revolutionary France. Economic relations must be left to<br />

the automatic self-adjustment (imperfect though it may be) of supply<br />

<strong>and</strong> dem<strong>and</strong>. What society most wants it will pay for most heavily; <strong>and</strong> if<br />

certain men, or certain functions, receive great rewards it is because they<br />

have taken, or have involved, exceptional risks or pains. Men as now<br />

constituted will not tolerate a compulsory equality. Until an automa-<br />

tically-changed environment automatically changes human character,<br />

legislation enacting artificial changes will be as futile as astrology. 70<br />

Spencer was almost made sick by the thought of a world ruled by the<br />

wage-earning class. He was not enamored of trade-union leaders so far<br />

as he could know them through the refractory medium of the London<br />

Times. 71 He pointed out that strikes are useless unless most strikes fail;<br />

for if all workers should, at various times, strike <strong>and</strong> win, prices would<br />

""III, 596-9. "Social Statics, p. 329. "Sociology, i, 571.<br />

"Ill, 588. <strong>The</strong>re is danger of this in Russia to-day.<br />

"Cf. <strong>The</strong> Man vs. the State.<br />

n lLL 589.

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