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International Organization for Migration (IOM)

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Improving Access to Labour market In<strong>for</strong>mation <strong>for</strong> migrants and employers<br />

118<br />

uncertainty implied by the quota system, and so on (see Section 1) – severely hampers<br />

the incentives of potential employers to recruit workers directly from abroad. To the<br />

best of our knowledge, no one has ever tried to quantify how many of the ‘new<br />

entries’ permitted with the ‘Flows Decree’ are truly ‘new entries’ in the Italian labour<br />

market. What is clear is that the vast majority are not. Still, there may be a few<br />

exceptions: first, some very highly skilled workers, who were recruited through a<br />

<strong>for</strong>mal screening; second, workers who were hired by an entrepreneur or family<br />

thanks to a referral of one of his/her current employees; third, co-nationals hired by<br />

immigrant entrepreneurs, who possibly knew them from be<strong>for</strong>e moving to Italy or<br />

met (and screened) them during a holiday in the origin country.<br />

The reality may be different <strong>for</strong> citizens of NMS of EU27 who, after the abolishment<br />

of the transitional provisions, can now freely access the Italian labour market. In<br />

their case, one could expect firms to be interested in recruiting them directly from<br />

abroad (mainly because they can be hired outside the quota system). Still, given<br />

that these workers enjoy free mobility, it may be more efficient <strong>for</strong> them to move<br />

to Italy in order to look <strong>for</strong> a job (as they probably know that in<strong>for</strong>mal channels of<br />

recruiting are paramount there). But then, we would be back to the recruiting of<br />

resident immigrants, which has been discussed in the previous sections.<br />

In July 2009, the Italian government launched FLEXI, an online plat<strong>for</strong>m which is<br />

conceived to ease the match between Italian employers and workers residing abroad. 55<br />

According to the in<strong>for</strong>mation currently provided on the website, the plat<strong>for</strong>m is still<br />

in an experimental phase and it hosts about 540 candidate profiles. Moreover, after<br />

some screening and training activities carried out in Tunisia, 84 (sic) candidates<br />

have been classified as suitable <strong>for</strong> being hired in Italy. 56 Although this initiative<br />

is potentially promising, these numbers seem far from adequate <strong>for</strong> a large labour<br />

market such as the Italian one.<br />

4. Conclusions and recommendations<br />

Among experts and commentators of the Italian migration policy there is a fairly<br />

widespread consensus that Italian governments have so far missed the opportunity<br />

to play a major role in shaping and leading the labour market integration of <strong>for</strong>eign<br />

workers. On the contrary, throughout the last three decades, one can continually<br />

observe an important “gap between market realities and immigration policies”<br />

(Ambrosini, 2011b) and recognize how government intervention and legislation<br />

have adjusted to, rather than determined, the in<strong>for</strong>mal evolution of the migrant<br />

presence in the Italian economy and society. 57 The lack of adequate possibilities<br />

55 See: http://www.lavoro.gov.it/Lavoro/Notizie/20090714_FLEXI_Online.htm. The database can be<br />

accessed at the following link: https://www.flexi.lavoro.gov.it/flexi.<br />

56 See: http://www.cliclavoro.gov.it.<br />

57 “The transition [from being an emigration to being an immigration country] came about in a way that<br />

was largely spontaneous, unexpected, and loosely regulated: it arose “ from below” in the labour market and in<br />

local societies, and was acknowledged only later – reluctantly – by public institutions and legal regulations”<br />

(Ambrosini, 2011b).

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