International Organization for Migration (IOM)
International Organization for Migration (IOM)
International Organization for Migration (IOM)
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Improving Access to Labour market In<strong>for</strong>mation <strong>for</strong> migrants and employers<br />
88<br />
widespread shadow employment, intensive employment of immigrants in the<br />
domestic care sector, and so on), while others are easily generalizable to other<br />
countries and contexts (<strong>for</strong> example, the extent to which the demand <strong>for</strong> <strong>for</strong>eign<br />
workers originating from families differs from that of firms; the variation of<br />
demand by the size of the firm; the poor per<strong>for</strong>mance of Public Employment Services<br />
in the placement of workers). Similarly, some of the conclusions and the policy<br />
recommendations are specific to the Italian context while others can be generalized<br />
to a wider context.<br />
1. Introduction<br />
Better access to in<strong>for</strong>mation <strong>for</strong> employers (private and public) who are willing to<br />
hire migrant workers – both from abroad and from inside the country – and <strong>for</strong><br />
prospective and resident migrants looking <strong>for</strong> available job opportunities, would<br />
critically improve the speed and quality of the matching process. This would have<br />
important welfare-enhancing implications <strong>for</strong> employers, workers and <strong>for</strong> the<br />
economy as a whole (given that better matches lead to higher productivity). In<br />
order to propose appropriate policy interventions in this area <strong>for</strong> a specific country,<br />
one first needs to understand the precise functioning of its labour market (who are<br />
the main actors? How do they behave? What are their incentives and how can one<br />
influence them?, and so on) and how this interplays with the existing migration<br />
policy.<br />
This report tries to give a comprehensive picture of the matching process between<br />
employers and immigrants in Italy. As will become clearer throughout the report,<br />
there are some aspects which are peculiar and specific to the Italian case and possibly<br />
to other Mediterranean EU Member States (such as a segregation of migrant workers<br />
in low-skilled occupations, a vast presence of undocumented immigrants, widespread<br />
shadow employment, intensive employment of immigrants in the domestic care<br />
sector, and so on), while others are easily generalizable to other countries and<br />
contexts (<strong>for</strong> example, how different is the demand <strong>for</strong> <strong>for</strong>eign workers coming from<br />
families with respect to that of firms? How does that demand vary in relation to the<br />
size of the firm? Why are the Public Employment Services poorly per<strong>for</strong>ming in<br />
the placement of workers? and so <strong>for</strong>th). Similarly, some of the conclusions and the<br />
possible policy interventions are specific to the Italian context while others could be<br />
generalized to a wider context.<br />
The structure of the report is as follows. In Section 1, we summarize recent trends in<br />
the Italian labour market and we briefly discuss the per<strong>for</strong>mance of migrant workers.<br />
The legal framework which regulates the access of <strong>for</strong>eign workers into the Italian<br />
labour market is also explained, and contrasted with the functioning of this system<br />
in the current practice. Section 2 focuses on migrants who are already residing in<br />
Italy and looks at patterns of access to labour market in<strong>for</strong>mation from both sides<br />
of the employment match: labour demand (2.1) and labour supply (2.2). Recruiting<br />
– and job search – from abroad is discussed in Section 3. Finally, we conclude by<br />
providing some policy recommendations in section 4.