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International Organization for Migration (IOM)

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Improving Access to Labour market In<strong>for</strong>mation <strong>for</strong> migrants and employers<br />

88<br />

widespread shadow employment, intensive employment of immigrants in the<br />

domestic care sector, and so on), while others are easily generalizable to other<br />

countries and contexts (<strong>for</strong> example, the extent to which the demand <strong>for</strong> <strong>for</strong>eign<br />

workers originating from families differs from that of firms; the variation of<br />

demand by the size of the firm; the poor per<strong>for</strong>mance of Public Employment Services<br />

in the placement of workers). Similarly, some of the conclusions and the policy<br />

recommendations are specific to the Italian context while others can be generalized<br />

to a wider context.<br />

1. Introduction<br />

Better access to in<strong>for</strong>mation <strong>for</strong> employers (private and public) who are willing to<br />

hire migrant workers – both from abroad and from inside the country – and <strong>for</strong><br />

prospective and resident migrants looking <strong>for</strong> available job opportunities, would<br />

critically improve the speed and quality of the matching process. This would have<br />

important welfare-enhancing implications <strong>for</strong> employers, workers and <strong>for</strong> the<br />

economy as a whole (given that better matches lead to higher productivity). In<br />

order to propose appropriate policy interventions in this area <strong>for</strong> a specific country,<br />

one first needs to understand the precise functioning of its labour market (who are<br />

the main actors? How do they behave? What are their incentives and how can one<br />

influence them?, and so on) and how this interplays with the existing migration<br />

policy.<br />

This report tries to give a comprehensive picture of the matching process between<br />

employers and immigrants in Italy. As will become clearer throughout the report,<br />

there are some aspects which are peculiar and specific to the Italian case and possibly<br />

to other Mediterranean EU Member States (such as a segregation of migrant workers<br />

in low-skilled occupations, a vast presence of undocumented immigrants, widespread<br />

shadow employment, intensive employment of immigrants in the domestic care<br />

sector, and so on), while others are easily generalizable to other countries and<br />

contexts (<strong>for</strong> example, how different is the demand <strong>for</strong> <strong>for</strong>eign workers coming from<br />

families with respect to that of firms? How does that demand vary in relation to the<br />

size of the firm? Why are the Public Employment Services poorly per<strong>for</strong>ming in<br />

the placement of workers? and so <strong>for</strong>th). Similarly, some of the conclusions and the<br />

possible policy interventions are specific to the Italian context while others could be<br />

generalized to a wider context.<br />

The structure of the report is as follows. In Section 1, we summarize recent trends in<br />

the Italian labour market and we briefly discuss the per<strong>for</strong>mance of migrant workers.<br />

The legal framework which regulates the access of <strong>for</strong>eign workers into the Italian<br />

labour market is also explained, and contrasted with the functioning of this system<br />

in the current practice. Section 2 focuses on migrants who are already residing in<br />

Italy and looks at patterns of access to labour market in<strong>for</strong>mation from both sides<br />

of the employment match: labour demand (2.1) and labour supply (2.2). Recruiting<br />

– and job search – from abroad is discussed in Section 3. Finally, we conclude by<br />

providing some policy recommendations in section 4.

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