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International Organization for Migration (IOM)

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Improving Access to Labour market In<strong>for</strong>mation <strong>for</strong> migrants and employers<br />

278<br />

to absorb an ever increasing number of low-skilled <strong>for</strong>eign nationals. In addition,<br />

the US immigration process is biased against low-skilled persons because they pose<br />

a higher risk of becoming dependent on state welfare (Kaushal, 2005). Prospective<br />

migrants applying <strong>for</strong> visas are expected to provide supportive documents, such<br />

as bank statements and evidence of other assets, to guarantee that they would not<br />

become dependent on safety net programmes in the United States. Because the lessskilled<br />

are less likely to provide sufficient proof, they are less likely to be cleared<br />

through the screening process by the US consulates. Together, these factors result<br />

in fewer less-skilled persons receiving, and even applying <strong>for</strong>, work visas, and in<br />

a large number of low-skilled persons entering the country without documents or<br />

over-staying their temporary visa time limits.<br />

In general, low-educated persons are less likely to have a thorough understanding of<br />

US immigration laws and more likely to be exploited by employers. In low-skilled<br />

occupations, personal and in<strong>for</strong>mal networks are the primary channels through<br />

which individuals living in <strong>for</strong>eign countries learn about employment opportunities<br />

in the United States. The downside of these personal and in<strong>for</strong>mal networks is<br />

that they may restrict migrant workers to ethnic enclaves and thus result in slower<br />

acquisition of US-specific skills that are key to successful assimilation in the US<br />

economy (Kaushal, 2011).<br />

3. In<strong>for</strong>mation-related barriers to recruitment of migrants<br />

residing in the United States<br />

Clearly, employers who hire third-country nationals from overseas do so at the risk of<br />

not fully knowing whether the migrants have the required skills. Migrants, educated<br />

and trained in <strong>for</strong>eign countries, may also not be fully equipped to accomplish<br />

certain tasks that involve culture-specific skills, especially in health care, teaching,<br />

personal service occupations. There is indeed a growing debate among health-care<br />

professionals in the United States on whether <strong>for</strong>eign-trained nurses provide quality<br />

patient care (Glaessel-Brown, 1998; Trucios-Haynes, 2002; Brush et al., 2004;<br />

Lovell, 2006; Aiken et al., 2001; Flynn and Aiken, 2002). Similar concerns have<br />

been raised by the American Federation of Teachers about the effect of <strong>for</strong>eigntrained<br />

teachers on teacher quality (American Federation of Teachers, 2009).<br />

Some risks are considerably reduced when hiring third-country nationals who are<br />

already in the United States. For instance, the employers can have several face-to-face<br />

meetings with migrant workers to determine their skill appropriateness. Certain skills,<br />

acquired abroad especially in developing countries, are difficult to measure, resulting<br />

in over- or under-estimation of their value. Studies document that US-educated<br />

<strong>for</strong>eign-born workers in the United States enjoy an earnings premium over similar<br />

<strong>for</strong>eign-educated <strong>for</strong>eign-born workers (Kaushal, 2011). The risk is much reduced in<br />

case of <strong>for</strong>eign-born persons who arrived at younger ages and have better knowledge<br />

of the United States labour market, greater English language proficiency, and finer<br />

networking abilities than later arrivals. Whereas some skill-related differences decline<br />

as workers gain US work experience, others continue to prevail <strong>for</strong> years.

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