historical and political thought in the seventeenth - RePub - Erasmus ...
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Chapter 5. Times of trouble. Tak<strong>in</strong>g a st<strong>and</strong><br />
Charles V (1500-1558). Philip’s reign only saw <strong>the</strong> ‘completion’ of this tyranny,<br />
executed by <strong>the</strong> cruel duke of Alva (1507-1582). 79 Third, <strong>the</strong> goal of this ‘truly<br />
cruel <strong>and</strong> pernicious comm<strong>and</strong>’ was ‘that <strong>the</strong> Spaniards <strong>and</strong> those of Austria’<br />
were plann<strong>in</strong>g to erect a ‘monarchical form of comm<strong>and</strong>’ <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ne<strong>the</strong>rl<strong>and</strong>s<br />
<strong>and</strong> to subdue <strong>the</strong>se l<strong>and</strong>s so to ga<strong>in</strong> a beachhead from where <strong>the</strong>y could conquer<br />
<strong>the</strong> rest of Europe. 80 In this way Boxhorn situates <strong>the</strong> Dutch Revolt <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
struggle aga<strong>in</strong>st <strong>the</strong> attempts of <strong>the</strong> House of Habsburg to obta<strong>in</strong> a universal<br />
monarchy. 81<br />
To help <strong>the</strong> united prov<strong>in</strong>ces <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir fight <strong>and</strong> to regulate <strong>the</strong>ir efforts, <strong>the</strong><br />
Union of Utrecht provided <strong>the</strong>m with a set of rules. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to <strong>the</strong> Commentariolus,<br />
<strong>the</strong>se agreements were <strong>the</strong> Republic’s ma<strong>in</strong> corpus of laws. 82 They<br />
resulted from hard bicker<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> heated debates about ancient quarrels. 83 The<br />
79 Boxhorn, Commentariolus, I.3, pp. 4-5. In <strong>seventeenth</strong>-century Dutch historiography <strong>the</strong> reigns of<br />
Charles V <strong>and</strong> Philip II were <strong>in</strong>terpreted differently. Although Charles V’s policy could be described as<br />
‘opportunistic <strong>and</strong> machiavellistic’, it was Philip II’s reign that saw <strong>the</strong> birth of real tyranny. Only <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
eighteenth century do we see that Charles’s <strong>and</strong> Philip’s policy are seen as one <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> same. See L.H.M.<br />
Wessels, “Vader en zoon als probleem: Karel V en Filips II <strong>in</strong> de Nederl<strong>and</strong>se historiografie”, <strong>in</strong> Streven:<br />
cultureel maatschappelijk ma<strong>and</strong>blad, Vol. 6, No. 11 (2000), pp. 976-83. We will see <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> next chapter that<br />
Boxhorn pushed <strong>the</strong> beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g of this tyrannical rule even fur<strong>the</strong>r back <strong>in</strong> time. However, it must be<br />
noticed that already at <strong>the</strong> meet<strong>in</strong>g between <strong>the</strong> duke of Anjou <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> States General at Anjou’s château<br />
of Plessis-les-Tours <strong>in</strong> September 1580 <strong>the</strong> delegation of <strong>the</strong> States General held Charles V responsible<br />
‘for all <strong>the</strong> ills that had befallen <strong>the</strong> country, because <strong>in</strong> Worms he had issued edicts aga<strong>in</strong>st heresy<br />
without consult<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> Estates of <strong>the</strong> Ne<strong>the</strong>rl<strong>and</strong>s’. Helmut G. Koenigsberger, Monarchies, States Generals<br />
<strong>and</strong> Parliaments: The Ne<strong>the</strong>rl<strong>and</strong>s <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Fifteenth <strong>and</strong> Sixteenth Centuries (Cambridge University Press;<br />
Cambridge, 2001), p. 301.<br />
80 Ibidem, I.4, p. 5. ‘Contra Philippi absolutissima erat dom<strong>in</strong>atio, contra leges usurpata, et contra<br />
fas omne <strong>in</strong>iquissima. Qui abdita pr<strong>in</strong>cipalium consiliorum propius <strong>in</strong>spiciunt, causâ atrocis adeo et<br />
perniciosi Belgis Imperii non aliam statuunt, quam quod hic sedem Monarchici illius Imperii promovendi,<br />
et bellorum pro<strong>in</strong>de ponere, Hispani Austriacique constituissent, ob locorum <strong>in</strong>de <strong>in</strong> Galliam et<br />
Britanniam, h<strong>in</strong>c <strong>in</strong> Germaniam et Septentriorum, denique <strong>in</strong> omnem celebriorem Europae oram excurrentium<br />
opportunitatem.’<br />
81 See for this <strong>the</strong>me Van Gelderen, “The Low Countries”, pp. 376-81. The fact that Charles depicted<br />
himself as Alex<strong>and</strong>er <strong>the</strong> Great, for whom ‘<strong>the</strong> world was not enough’ (non sufficit orbis), did much to<br />
foster <strong>the</strong> idea that <strong>the</strong> Habsburgs were striv<strong>in</strong>g for a universal monarchy. See Lisa M. van Hijum, Grenzen<br />
aan macht: aspecten van politieke ideologie aan de hoven van Bourgondische en Bourgondisch-Habsburgse<br />
mach<strong>the</strong>bbers tussen 1450 en 1555 (Ph.D.-dissertation, Pr<strong>in</strong>tPartners Ipskamp; Enschede, 1999), pp. 180-<br />
82.<br />
82 Boxhorn, Commentariolus, I.5, p. 6. That <strong>the</strong> Union of Utrecht would be <strong>the</strong> foundation of <strong>the</strong><br />
United Prov<strong>in</strong>ces was once aga<strong>in</strong> affirmed dur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> Great Council that was held after <strong>the</strong> death of<br />
William II. At his open<strong>in</strong>g speech, Jacob Cats (1577-1660), <strong>the</strong> gr<strong>and</strong>-pensionary of Holl<strong>and</strong>, declared<br />
that <strong>the</strong> States of Holl<strong>and</strong> judged ‘that <strong>the</strong> concord <strong>and</strong> good agreement of <strong>the</strong> prov<strong>in</strong>ces is <strong>the</strong> firm<br />
foundation upon which <strong>the</strong> structure of this state can be built with certa<strong>in</strong>ty <strong>and</strong> kept <strong>in</strong> good union’.<br />
Three issues formed <strong>the</strong> core of <strong>the</strong> unity between <strong>the</strong> seven united Dutch prov<strong>in</strong>ces: <strong>the</strong> Union of Utrecht<br />
of 1579, <strong>the</strong> protestant religion as stipulated <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Synod of Dort, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> militia. As contemporaries<br />
understood it, <strong>the</strong> peace of Münster had altered th<strong>in</strong>gs, because for <strong>the</strong> first time s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong> Union of<br />
Utrecht <strong>the</strong> Dutch Republic was not <strong>in</strong> a state of war. See Jacob Cats, Anvanck v<strong>and</strong>e Groote Vergader<strong>in</strong>ge<br />
der Vereenichde Nederl<strong>and</strong>en (Matthys Sebastiaenszen; Leiden, 1651), pp. 4-5, with quote on p. 4. Knuttel<br />
7029. The Union was basically erected to obta<strong>in</strong> a common goal, namely peace <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>dependence<br />
by mutual defence. With <strong>the</strong> peace of Münster, both goals were obta<strong>in</strong>ed; <strong>the</strong>re was <strong>the</strong>refore ano<strong>the</strong>r<br />
reason to reth<strong>in</strong>k <strong>the</strong> nature of <strong>the</strong> Union. Van Deursen, De last van veel geluk, p. 270.<br />
83 The Commentariolus gives a short overview of 21 of <strong>the</strong> orig<strong>in</strong>al 26 articles of <strong>the</strong> Union of Utrecht.<br />
The articles that are left out are articles number 14, 15, 23, 24, <strong>and</strong> 25. Article 14 deals with <strong>the</strong><br />
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