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336<br />

Chapter 10. Conclusion<br />

Besides edit<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> work of classical authors like Tacitus, he also published<br />

several works on Dutch history. In addition to this, Boxhorn’s philological<br />

exercises led him away from <strong>the</strong> classical languages Greek <strong>and</strong> Lat<strong>in</strong> towards<br />

‘barbaric’ languages like Turkish or Celtic. The ‘passionate humanist’ Nicolaas<br />

He<strong>in</strong>sius (1620-1681), who was <strong>the</strong> son of Daniel He<strong>in</strong>sius <strong>and</strong> at <strong>the</strong> time<br />

of Boxhorn’s death <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> service of queen Christ<strong>in</strong>a of Sweden, could not<br />

appreciate this ‘neglect’ of <strong>the</strong> classics <strong>in</strong> favour of Dutch history <strong>and</strong> barbaric<br />

languages by his fa<strong>the</strong>r’s former protégé. 17 We can conclude that as far as<br />

<strong>in</strong>terests are concerned, Boxhorn’s humanism differs from that of more traditional<br />

humanist scholars like Scaliger <strong>and</strong> Daniel He<strong>in</strong>sius.<br />

Concern<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> literary style <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> content of his works Boxhorn can<br />

rightfully be considered a Tacitist. Boxhorn’s ‘<strong>political</strong> Tacitism’, however, is as<br />

ambiguous as <strong>the</strong> ideas of <strong>the</strong> Roman historian himself. On <strong>the</strong> one h<strong>and</strong>, Boxhorn<br />

could use Tacitus to argue <strong>in</strong> favour of power be<strong>in</strong>g exercised by one man<br />

<strong>and</strong> to defend <strong>the</strong> subjection of <strong>the</strong> well-be<strong>in</strong>g of private <strong>in</strong>dividuals to <strong>the</strong> wellbe<strong>in</strong>g<br />

of <strong>the</strong> commonwealth. On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong>, he could also use that same<br />

Tacitus to warn aga<strong>in</strong>st <strong>the</strong> evil mach<strong>in</strong>ations of devious monarchs, cunn<strong>in</strong>g flatterers<br />

<strong>and</strong> would-be usurpers, <strong>and</strong> to offer his audience a range of measures to<br />

counter <strong>the</strong>m. But <strong>the</strong> use of Tacitus for Boxhorn did not rema<strong>in</strong> restricted to<br />

offer<strong>in</strong>g <strong>political</strong> <strong>in</strong>sights <strong>and</strong> advice. In Tacitus Boxhorn also found support for<br />

his <strong>historical</strong> relativism. This relativism, which is one of <strong>the</strong> ma<strong>in</strong> characteristics<br />

of Boxhorn’s <strong>historical</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>political</strong> <strong>thought</strong>, is an argument for connect<strong>in</strong>g Boxhorn<br />

with <strong>the</strong> early modern tradition that made a more critical use of Tacitus. 18<br />

Besides Tacitus, Boxhorn’s <strong>political</strong> works also betray a strong <strong>in</strong>fluence<br />

of Aristotle. For example, Boxhorn followed Aristotle <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Stagirite’s positive<br />

analysis of aristocracy <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> specific polity, a move that sets Boxhorn<br />

apart from <strong>the</strong> ‘monarchical’ Aristotelian tradition at Leiden University. However,<br />

on some crucial po<strong>in</strong>ts Boxhorn’s <strong>political</strong> ideas also differ from those of<br />

Aristotle. First of all, Boxhorn does not seem to have believed that man is a<br />

<strong>political</strong> animal, a social be<strong>in</strong>g who is naturally <strong>in</strong>cl<strong>in</strong>ed to live with his fellow<br />

men. In Boxhorn’s analysis of <strong>the</strong> commonwealth <strong>and</strong> its orig<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> state does<br />

not appear as a ‘creation of nature’, but as an artificial construction, whose<br />

hierarchical division <strong>in</strong>to rulers <strong>and</strong> subjects even goes aga<strong>in</strong>st <strong>the</strong> nature of<br />

man. 19 Second, <strong>the</strong> content of <strong>the</strong> Institutiones politicae suggests that <strong>the</strong> goal of<br />

17 F.F. Blok, Nicolaas He<strong>in</strong>sius <strong>in</strong> dienst van Christ<strong>in</strong>a van Zweden (Ursulapers; Delft, 1949), p. 45.<br />

“He<strong>in</strong>sius, Nicolaas (1620-81)”, <strong>in</strong> Van Bunge et al. (eds.), The Dictionary of Seventeenth <strong>and</strong> Eighteenth-<br />

Century Dutch Philosophers, Vol. 1, pp. 407-8, with quote on p. 408.<br />

18 I owe this po<strong>in</strong>t to Jan Wasz<strong>in</strong>k.<br />

19 Aristotle of course does hold ‘that <strong>the</strong> state is a creation of nature’. Aristotle, Politics, 1252b1 [I:2], p. 13.

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