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Chapter 1. Introduction<br />

(1596-1650), who just like Hobbes opposed <strong>the</strong> academic Aristotelian tradition,<br />

conceptualised scholasticism to be, namely ‘a central core of beliefs’, this<br />

scholastic Aristotelian tradition was not a s<strong>in</strong>gle uniform body, but ra<strong>the</strong>r<br />

consisted of a ‘complex plurality of Aristotelianisms’ as research of <strong>the</strong> last<br />

few decades has po<strong>in</strong>ted out. 7 Nor was this scholastic Aristotelian tradition<br />

a static whole <strong>in</strong> which changes did not occur. For example, <strong>the</strong> beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g of<br />

<strong>the</strong> <strong>seventeenth</strong> century saw <strong>the</strong> rise of ‘<strong>political</strong> Aristotelianism’, a new Aristotelian<br />

school of <strong>thought</strong> whose representatives treated politics as a secular<br />

science, <strong>in</strong>dependent from <strong>the</strong>ology. Among those representatives were Henn<strong>in</strong>g<br />

Arnisaeus (1575-1636) <strong>and</strong> Hermann Conr<strong>in</strong>g (1606-1681), both professors<br />

at <strong>the</strong> University of Helmstedt, which was one of <strong>the</strong> three universities<br />

that ‘stood at <strong>the</strong> centre of <strong>political</strong> studies’ <strong>in</strong> Germany. 8<br />

Besides <strong>the</strong> rise of <strong>political</strong> Aristotelianism ano<strong>the</strong>r important development<br />

that took place <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>seventeenth</strong> century was a change <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> relationship<br />

between <strong>the</strong> study of politics <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> study of history. In <strong>the</strong> old humanist<br />

view history was seen as <strong>the</strong> h<strong>and</strong>maiden of politics, supply<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> latter with<br />

<strong>historical</strong> examples of proper conduct <strong>and</strong> <strong>political</strong> action. In <strong>the</strong> course of<br />

<strong>the</strong> <strong>seventeenth</strong> century politics transformed <strong>in</strong>to a more empirical, <strong>historical</strong><br />

study <strong>in</strong> which account was taken of time <strong>and</strong> place. Historical <strong>in</strong>vestigations<br />

<strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> specific <strong>in</strong>terests of rulers or nations – <strong>the</strong> national ratio status – grew<br />

<strong>in</strong> importance. At <strong>the</strong> same time <strong>the</strong> study of <strong>the</strong> past became more scientific<br />

<strong>and</strong> empirical, with attention for sources <strong>and</strong> <strong>historical</strong> causation that was not<br />

only expla<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> terms of providence or <strong>the</strong> whims of Fortuna. In addition<br />

to this, <strong>the</strong> <strong>seventeenth</strong> century also witnessed <strong>the</strong> relative <strong>in</strong>dependence of<br />

politics <strong>and</strong> religion.<br />

The general developments <strong>and</strong> observations given above form <strong>the</strong> general<br />

background to this study. If we want to get a proper underst<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g of Boxhorn’s<br />

<strong>historical</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>political</strong> <strong>thought</strong> <strong>and</strong> to connect <strong>the</strong>m with <strong>the</strong>se general<br />

developments <strong>and</strong> observations a series of steps need to be taken. First, a<br />

more <strong>in</strong>depth <strong>in</strong>vestigation of early modern <strong>historical</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>political</strong> <strong>thought</strong> is<br />

necessary. This will be provided for <strong>in</strong> chapter 2. The results of this <strong>in</strong>vestigation<br />

will give us a broad <strong>in</strong>tellectual context aga<strong>in</strong>st which we can compare<br />

Boxhorn’s <strong>historical</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>political</strong> <strong>thought</strong>.<br />

7 For an overview article, see Michael Edwards, “Aristotelianism, Descartes, <strong>and</strong> Hobbes”, <strong>in</strong> The<br />

Historical Journal, Vol. 50, No. 2 (2007), pp. 449-64, with quotes on p. 458.<br />

8 For a recent discussion of <strong>political</strong> Aristotelianism, see Robert von Friedeburg <strong>and</strong> Michael J.<br />

Seidler, “The Holy Roman Empire of <strong>the</strong> German Nation”, <strong>in</strong> Lloyd, Burgess <strong>and</strong> Hodson (eds.), European<br />

Political Thought, pp. 156-66, with quote on p. 160. I will discuss <strong>political</strong> Aristotelianism <strong>and</strong> its<br />

characteristics more extensively <strong>in</strong> chapter 2.<br />

3

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