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Chapter 3. Biography<br />

l<strong>and</strong>’s ascendancy dur<strong>in</strong>g antiquity <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Middle Ages.’ 131 In o<strong>the</strong>r words,<br />

Scriverius wanted to legitimise <strong>the</strong> dom<strong>in</strong>ance that <strong>the</strong> prov<strong>in</strong>ce of Holl<strong>and</strong><br />

had <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Dutch Republic <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>seventeenth</strong> century on <strong>historical</strong> grounds.<br />

An example of how Scriverius used history <strong>and</strong> his knowlegde of <strong>the</strong> past<br />

for ‘<strong>political</strong>’ ends can be found <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Respublica Holl<strong>and</strong>iae, et urbes (The Commonwealth<br />

<strong>and</strong> Towns of Holl<strong>and</strong>). The Respublica Holl<strong>and</strong>iae, published <strong>in</strong> 1630,<br />

conta<strong>in</strong>s different works, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g an edition of Grotius’s De antiquitate,<br />

which was first published <strong>in</strong> 1610. In <strong>the</strong> Respublica Holl<strong>and</strong>iae Scriverius provided<br />

Grotius’s treatise with new endnotes that conta<strong>in</strong> <strong>historical</strong> <strong>in</strong>formation<br />

derived from classical <strong>and</strong> medieval sources. The goal of <strong>the</strong>se notes was to<br />

<strong>historical</strong>ly buttress <strong>the</strong> views Grotius had put forward <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> De antiquitate.<br />

And <strong>the</strong>se views were <strong>political</strong>ly motivated: <strong>the</strong>y were <strong>in</strong>tended to defend<br />

Holl<strong>and</strong>’s aristocratic form of government, to depict <strong>the</strong> prov<strong>in</strong>cial States of<br />

Holl<strong>and</strong> as <strong>the</strong> ancient bearers of sovereignty <strong>and</strong> to legitimise <strong>the</strong> Revolt –<br />

<strong>and</strong> thus ultimately <strong>the</strong> existence of <strong>the</strong> Dutch Republic as an <strong>in</strong>dependent<br />

state – by depict<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> Revolt as a fight for <strong>the</strong> protection of <strong>the</strong> ancient form<br />

of government <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> freedom of <strong>the</strong> Holl<strong>and</strong>ers aga<strong>in</strong>st <strong>the</strong> Spanish attempt<br />

to ‘establish absolute rule’. 132<br />

As noted <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>troduction, <strong>the</strong> early modern antiquarian had <strong>the</strong> task of<br />

track<strong>in</strong>g down, study<strong>in</strong>g, <strong>and</strong> open<strong>in</strong>g up to o<strong>the</strong>rs both written <strong>and</strong> unwritten<br />

sources. Scriverius performed this task, if not completely, <strong>the</strong>n at least partially.<br />

He tried to see <strong>and</strong> obta<strong>in</strong> ‘as many manuscripts <strong>and</strong> pr<strong>in</strong>ted sources as<br />

possible’. 133 Judg<strong>in</strong>g by Boxhorn’s words, Scriverius fairly succeeded <strong>in</strong> this<br />

goal; Boxhorn considered himself lucky that Scriverius granted him access to<br />

his library that conta<strong>in</strong>ed ‘so many manuscripts <strong>and</strong> very old documents’. 134<br />

Besides collect<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> study<strong>in</strong>g manuscripts <strong>and</strong> old documents, Scriverius<br />

also showed <strong>the</strong> fruits of his scholarly labour to <strong>the</strong> public. In 1609, for exam-<br />

131 Langereis, Geschiedenis als ambacht, p. 154. ‘Scriverius wilde met zijn oudheidkundige werk laten<br />

zien dat de machtige positie van Holl<strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> de zeventiende eeuw terugg<strong>in</strong>g op een Holl<strong>and</strong>s overwicht<br />

tijdens Oudheid en Middeleeuwen.’ See also ibidem, p. 293. ‘Scriverius wilde aantonen dat Holl<strong>and</strong>s<br />

machtige positie <strong>in</strong> de zeventiende eeuw terugg<strong>in</strong>g op een overwicht over de aangrenzende streken<br />

tijdens de Oudheid en Middeleeuwen.’<br />

132 See <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>troduction to Grotius, The Antiquity of <strong>the</strong> Batavian Republic, pp. 21, 27-30, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> text<br />

of The Antiquity itself, II.2, p. 57, II.14, p. 65, VI.1-7, pp. 99-103, VII.7, p. 107, with quote on p. 101.<br />

133 Pierre Tuynman <strong>and</strong> Michiel Roscam Abb<strong>in</strong>g, “Two History Books that never appeared: Scriverius,<br />

Melis Stoke, <strong>the</strong> Widow van Wouw <strong>and</strong> Gouthoeven: Scriveriana I”, <strong>in</strong> Quaerendo, Vol. 27, No. 2<br />

(1997), pp. 77-78, with quote on p. 77.<br />

134 Boxhorn <strong>in</strong> a letter to Pontanus <strong>and</strong> Scriverius, dated April 1632. Boxhorn, Epistolae et poemata,<br />

p. 24. ‘De Biblio<strong>the</strong>ca tua quid dicam? quae tot M. SS. veterrimisque codicibus aliisque pluribus ejus<br />

generis cimeliis referta est, ut magnam felicitatis meae partem semper existimaverim, quod cum ad<br />

humanitatem tuam, simul ad ipsam aditum mihi esse voluisti. In qua non tantum de historia, & re litterariâ<br />

universa, sed de earum conservatrice arte, Typographia Harlemensi dico, certissima mihi patuerunt<br />

documenta.’ See for this letter also Langereis, Geschiedenis als ambacht, p. 185, who dates this letter<br />

to April 1, 1632. For some comments on Scriverius’s library, see ibidem, p. 158.<br />

61

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