Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning
Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning
Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning
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p r e F a c e<br />
a heretic. … I pronounce myself irreducibly against the existing<br />
order … against a ‘being’ that searches for justifications beyond<br />
judgment. I think the role of thought is to harry what exists by<br />
critique, by irony, by satire. … I refuse to condemn spontaneity,<br />
that of the masses and that of the individual, even when it tends<br />
to be thoughtless, humorous, and bitterly ironic. I merit the value<br />
of spontaneity; life shouldn’t fall from above and rest heavily;<br />
and everyday life and humanity aren’t the realization of politics,<br />
morality, the state and Party.” 11<br />
<strong>Lefebvre</strong> was a Marxist who sought not to denounce student<br />
exuberance in 1968 but to foster it, to use it productively, constructively,<br />
tactically, alongside skeptical working-class rank and<br />
filers. In The Explosion (1968), scribbled as the Molotov cocktails<br />
ignited on the Boulevard Saint-Michel, <strong>Lefebvre</strong> assumed<br />
the role of a radical honest broker, trying to galvanize the “old”<br />
Left—his generation, who tended to rally around class, party, and<br />
trade unions—with an emergent “New Left,” a younger crew of<br />
militants, less steeped in theory, who organized around anti-imperialism<br />
and identity themes and who spoke the language of culture<br />
and everyday life. The parallels with post-Seattle agitation are<br />
striking. The Lefebvrian desire to conjoin young and old progressives<br />
around a concerted anticapitalist struggle remains as pressing<br />
and as instructive as ever; his theories about space equally<br />
resonate within analyses of globalization, just as his notion of<br />
the “urban revolution” and “right to the city” endure as visionary<br />
democratic ideals. <strong>Lefebvre</strong> warned us long ago that the ruling<br />
class will always try to suppress and co-opt contestation, will<br />
always try to convert romantic possibility into realistic actuality.<br />
He knew that in desiring the impossible, in reaching for the stars,<br />
we might at least one day stand upright.<br />
His was a praxis that borrowed more from Rosa Luxemburg<br />
than Vladimir Lenin, whiffed of Norman O. Brown rather than<br />
stank of Leonid Brezhnev. In the 1970s, somebody asked <strong>Lefebvre</strong><br />
xxv