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Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning

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H e n r i L e F e b v r e<br />

“turbo-Prof,” a species of French academic who teaches in the<br />

provinces, who catches the train à grande vitesse (TGV) every<br />

Monday morning and Thursday afternoon, yet keeps a primary<br />

residence in the nation’s capital. (<strong>Lefebvre</strong> lived at rue Rambuteau<br />

in the 3rd arrondissement, first in an apartment at number 24, and<br />

later at number 30. Both buildings were close to the old Les Halles<br />

market halls, architectural jewels destined to be demolished in<br />

1969 to make way for the RER rapid computer train line—which<br />

would ironically speed to Nanterre. In 1977, the dreaded Pompidou<br />

Centre became <strong>Lefebvre</strong>’s unwelcome, upscale neighbor. He could<br />

almost spit at it from his front window.) 1<br />

“Around 1960,” <strong>Lefebvre</strong> reflects in Everyday Life in the<br />

Modern World (1968), “the situation became clearer.” Everyday<br />

life was “no longer the no-man’s land, the poor relation of specialized<br />

activities. In France and elsewhere, neo-capitalist leaders had<br />

become aware of the fact that colonies were more trouble than they<br />

were worth and there was a change of strategy; new vistas opened<br />

out such as investments in national territories and the organization<br />

of home trade.” 2 The net result, <strong>Lefebvre</strong> thinks, was that “all areas<br />

outside the centers of political decision making and economic concentration<br />

of capital were considered as semi-colonies and exploited<br />

as such; these included the suburbs of cities, the countryside, zones<br />

of agricultural production and all outlying districts inhabited,<br />

needless to say, by employees, technicians and manual laborers;<br />

thus the state of the proletarian became generalized, leading to a<br />

blurring of class distinctions and ideological ‘values.’ ” 3 Work life,<br />

private life, and leisure were “rationally” exploited, cut up, laid<br />

out, and put back together again, timetabled and monitored by the<br />

assorted bureaucracies, corporations, and technocracies.<br />

Massive scientific and technological revolutions became a<br />

perverse inversion of—and substitute for—the social and political<br />

revolution that never materialized. That was like waiting for<br />

Godot. (“We’ll hang ourselves tomorrow. [Pause.] Unless Godot<br />

22

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