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Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning

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s p o n t a n e i t y<br />

Marx never really elaborated a theory of “contestation,” so in The<br />

Explosion <strong>Lefebvre</strong> lends a hand. What is crucial about contestation,<br />

<strong>Lefebvre</strong> believes, is “its aim to link economic factors (including<br />

economic demands) with politics” (p. 65). Contestation names<br />

names, points fingers, has institutions and men merge, makes<br />

abstractions real, and is one way “subjects” express themselves,<br />

ceasing to be “objects” of institutional will and economic capital.<br />

Contestation, <strong>Lefebvre</strong> says, “replaces the social and political<br />

mediations by which the demands were raised to an all-inclusive<br />

political level” (p. 65). In other words, contestation blooms because<br />

activists and contesters know, for certain, that capitalist representative<br />

“democracy” is a crock of shit. Contestation smacks as a refusal<br />

to be co-opted, a “refusal to be integrated.” Integration symbolizes<br />

cowardice, and its rejection shows “an awareness of what integration<br />

entails with respect to humiliation and dissociation” (p. 67).<br />

Contestation is “born from negation and has a negative character;<br />

it is essentially radical” (p. 67). It “brings to light its hidden origins;<br />

and it surges from the depths to the political summits, which it also<br />

illuminates in rejecting them” (p. 67). It rejects passivity, fosters<br />

participation, arises out of a latent institutional crisis, transforming<br />

it into “an open crisis which challenges hierarchies, centers of<br />

power” (p. 68). Contestation “obstructs and undermines a rationality<br />

prematurely identified with the real and the possible” (p. 68)<br />

and pillories the complacency of institutional wishful thinking,<br />

especially ideologies of TINA—There Is No Alternative.<br />

At the same time, contestation—the AFL–CIO (American<br />

Federation of Labor) might want to take note—“surges beyond the<br />

gap that lies between the realm of limited economic trade-union<br />

demands and the realm of politics, by rejecting the specialized<br />

political activity of political machines” (p. 68). In rejecting narrow<br />

economic demands, “contestation reaches the level of politics<br />

by a dialectical process that reflects its own style: critical and<br />

theoretical contestation, contesting praxis, and the theoretical<br />

47

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