Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning
Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning
Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e<br />
with coherence and form. When the fighting stopped, and when<br />
people came up for air during the 1970s, Althusser’s ideas thus<br />
cornered an ever-growing radical niche.<br />
Luxemburg, however, like <strong>Lefebvre</strong>, has no truck with Lenin’s<br />
“ultra-centralist tendency,” rejecting his contempt for nonaligned<br />
working-class activism, for the “objectivity” of the party that<br />
Althusser equally underscored. Different progressive and workingclass<br />
federations, Luxemburg wrote in The Russian Revolution,<br />
and Leninism or Marxism? needed a “liberty of action.” 6 That<br />
way they could better “develop their revolutionary initiative and<br />
… utilize all the resources of a situation.” Lenin’s line was “full of<br />
the sterile spirit of overseer. It is not a positive and creative spirit.”<br />
Luxemburg is more generous, more sensitive to the ups and downs<br />
of struggle, in the course of which an organization emanates and<br />
grows, unpredictably pell-mell. Social democracy, she said, isn’t<br />
just “invented”; it is “the product of a series of great creative acts<br />
of the often spontaneous class struggle seeking its way forward.”<br />
Of course, a movement might not immediately recognize itself<br />
within this class struggle, given people become aware of themselves<br />
objectively, as members of the working class, during the<br />
course of struggle. They define themselves through their opposite,<br />
through encountering a “ruling class,” their other, people who are<br />
different from them, who have power and wealth and authority and<br />
whose interests are different from theirs, against theirs somehow.<br />
Class becomes acknowledged en route—not a priori—through<br />
a struggle for recognition, as Hegel would have said. Sometimes<br />
this could be misrecognition, too. There aren’t any precisely prescribed<br />
sets of revolutionary tactics, no tactical recipe books.<br />
In fact, “the erection of an air-tight partition between the classconscious<br />
nucleus of the proletariat already in the party and its<br />
immediate popular environment” is, for Luxemburg, mindlessly<br />
sectarian. The unconscious comes forth before the conscious;<br />
the movement, she said, advances “spontaneously by leaps and<br />
50