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Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning

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H e n r i L e F e b v r e<br />

with coherence and form. When the fighting stopped, and when<br />

people came up for air during the 1970s, Althusser’s ideas thus<br />

cornered an ever-growing radical niche.<br />

Luxemburg, however, like <strong>Lefebvre</strong>, has no truck with Lenin’s<br />

“ultra-centralist tendency,” rejecting his contempt for nonaligned<br />

working-class activism, for the “objectivity” of the party that<br />

Althusser equally underscored. Different progressive and workingclass<br />

federations, Luxemburg wrote in The Russian Revolution,<br />

and Leninism or Marxism? needed a “liberty of action.” 6 That<br />

way they could better “develop their revolutionary initiative and<br />

… utilize all the resources of a situation.” Lenin’s line was “full of<br />

the sterile spirit of overseer. It is not a positive and creative spirit.”<br />

Luxemburg is more generous, more sensitive to the ups and downs<br />

of struggle, in the course of which an organization emanates and<br />

grows, unpredictably pell-mell. Social democracy, she said, isn’t<br />

just “invented”; it is “the product of a series of great creative acts<br />

of the often spontaneous class struggle seeking its way forward.”<br />

Of course, a movement might not immediately recognize itself<br />

within this class struggle, given people become aware of themselves<br />

objectively, as members of the working class, during the<br />

course of struggle. They define themselves through their opposite,<br />

through encountering a “ruling class,” their other, people who are<br />

different from them, who have power and wealth and authority and<br />

whose interests are different from theirs, against theirs somehow.<br />

Class becomes acknowledged en route—not a priori—through<br />

a struggle for recognition, as Hegel would have said. Sometimes<br />

this could be misrecognition, too. There aren’t any precisely prescribed<br />

sets of revolutionary tactics, no tactical recipe books.<br />

In fact, “the erection of an air-tight partition between the classconscious<br />

nucleus of the proletariat already in the party and its<br />

immediate popular environment” is, for Luxemburg, mindlessly<br />

sectarian. The unconscious comes forth before the conscious;<br />

the movement, she said, advances “spontaneously by leaps and<br />

50

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