Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning

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s p o n t a n e i t y London. For several years, Twyford Down was a war zone and a radical cause célèbre. Ironically, antiroad mobilizations and RTS activism grew in the face of Tory legislation explicitly engineered to stamp it out: the 1994 Criminal Justice Act (CJA), which tried to outlaw any public gathering or street “disorder” involving twenty or more people. In simple terms, anything that didn’t figure on then prime minister John Major’s “democratic” agenda, like genuine free speech and collective protest, could henceforth be rendered illegal. (The CJA still persists in Blair’s Britain.) After its inception, the CJA duly fanned the flames of its “other,” being increasingly imposed on increasing numbers of public gatherings condemning the CJA. RTS/London emerged within this adversarial atmosphere, staging its first “street party” at busy Camden High Street in north London in 1997. The following year, just down the street, it sealed off an even busier artery adjacent to King’s Cross Station: dancers motioned to drumbeats, and hoards of different sorts of people hung out and reclaimed for pedestrians a big stretch of Britain’s capital. By that time, the RTS concept had a distinctive West Coast drawl, touching down in Berkeley, where RTS/Bay Area liberated Telegraph Avenue for a while. Then, responding to Giuliani street cleanup vendettas, RTS/New York came of age in the Big Apple, begetting “great feasts of public space.” Suddenly, protest became imaginative and fun again, veritable be-ins and “carnivals of freaks,” contesting zero tolerance policing, privatization, and sanitization of city life and appealing instead for real human rights, for real public space. Central to RTS’s modus operandi is play and festival, as it is for a lot of the antiglobalization movement. Such prankster politics enacts lampoon, pulls tongues and raises the finger, and voices satire at a rather sober and stern enemy. Turning people on has often meant turning them off party-political smokescreens. They know the revolution will never be televised. Meanwhile, protagonists have recognized a common fate and 57
H e n r i L e F e b v r e common foe as they’ve explored a common opportunity. <strong>Lefebvre</strong> never saw any of these battles and ransackings, but one wonders what he would have made of them. This time around the hairstyles and fashions of the protesters are different, and they speak in a different tongue and jostle a new-fangled enemy. But they remain Lefebvrian at heart: spontaneous yet smart, politically savvy as well as theoretically astute, Rabelaisian revelers reconstructed. 5
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Henri Lefebvre
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Published in 2006 by Routledge Tayl
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Over the future, everybody deludes
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7 Globalization and the State 121 8
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F o r e w o r d Manhattan, meanwhil
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F o r e w o r d He dramatizes this
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F o r e w o r d couples staggering
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Acknowledgments I’d like to thank
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p r e F a c e rumpled brown tweed j
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p r e F a c e always inquisitive, h
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p r e F a c e * * * Lefebvre may ha
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p r e F a c e if, in fact, he was r
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p r e F a c e culture and tradition
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p r e F a c e collaborator Norbert
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p r e F a c e his frank concern for
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1 Everyday Life One finds all one w
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e v e r y d a y L i F e warmth, bri
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e v e r y d a y L i F e Marxist dia
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e emergent
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e rather th
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e over and
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e space, ex
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e latter’
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e In a 1985
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e Guts, as
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e Henri Lef
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e work is p
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e the blank
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e better,
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e against a
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e a crucial
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e Davos, Sw
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e exploitat
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e the mold
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e followed
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e excited b
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e Coming ho
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e the age o
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e the Unhap
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e people’
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e conscious
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e Modern ma
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e idea. The
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e and Nietz
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e overcome
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e knows not
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e bad rap w
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e claimed t
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e The shift
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e and revel
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n o t e s 6. Manuel Castells, “Ci
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n o t e s 20. Critique of Everyday
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n o t e s 15. Stéphane Mallarmé,
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n o t e s entrepreneurial, often su
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n o t e s borrow their themes from
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n o t e s Capitalism,” Geografisk
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n o t e s 6. Manuel Castells, The U
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n o t e s 17. Lefebvre, Autogestion
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n o t e s place to place and make i
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A Adorno, Theodor, 175n10 Allen, Wo
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L Lassalle, Ferdinand, 128 Lautréa
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Monopoly capitalism, 9-10, 11, 22,
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“The Head of Don Quixote”: Henr
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Brueghel, Pieter the Elder, Fight B
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The Pompidou Center: from Lefebvre
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Lefebvre to Guterman, October 18, 1
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